54th Massachusetts: “A Brave Black Regiment”

Transcript of the Broadside:

Men of Color To Arms!
To Arms!
Now or Never
This is our golden moment!

The Government of the United States calls for every Ablebodied Colored Man to enter the Army for the Three Years’ Service! And join in Fighting the Battles of Liberty and the Union. A new era is open to us. For generations we have suffered under the horrors of slavery, outrage and wrong; our manhood has been denied, our citizenship blotted out, our souls seared and burned, our spirits cowed and crushed, and the hopes of the future of our race involved in doubt and darkness. But now our relations to the white race are changed. Now, therefore, is our most precious moment. Let us rush to arms!

Fail Now, & Our Race is Doomed

On this the soil of our birth. We must now awake, arise, or be forever fallen. If we value liberty, if we wish to be free in this land, if we love our country, if we love our families, our children, our home, we must strike now while the country calls: we must rise up in the dignity of our manhood, and show by our own right arms that we are worthy to be freemen. Our enemies have made the country believe that we are craven cowards, without soul, without manhood, without the spirit of soldiers, Shall we die with this stigma resting upon our graves? Shall we leave this Inheritance of Shame to our Children? No! a thousand times NO! We WILL Rise! The alternative is upon us. Let us rather die freemen than live to be slaves. What is life without liberty? We say that we have manhood; now is the time to prove it. A nation or a people that cannot fight may be pitied, but cannot be respected. If we would be regarded men, if we would forever silence the tongue of Calumny, of Prejudice and Hate, let us Rise Now and Fly to Arms! We have seen what Valor and Heroism our Brothers displayed at Port Hudson and Milliken’s Bend, though they are just from the galling, poisoning grasp of Slavery, they have startled the World by the most exalted heroism. If they have proved themselves heroes, cannot WE PROVE OURSELVES MEN!

Are Freemen Less Brave Than Slaves

More than a Million White Men have left Comfortable Homes and joined the Armies of the Union to save their Country. Cannot we leave ours, and swell the Hosts of the Union, to save our liberties, vindicate our manhood, and deserve well of our Country.

MEN OF COLOR!

The Englishman, the Irishman, the Frenchman, the German, the American, have been called to assert their claim to freedom and a manly character, by an appeal to the sword. The day that has seen an enslaved race in arms has, in all history, seen their last trial. We now see that our last opportunity has come. If we are not lower in the scale of humanity than Englishmen, Irishmen, White Americans and other Races, we can show it now. Men of Color, Brothers and Fathers, we appeal to you, by all your concern for yourselves and your liberties, by all your regard for God and humanity, by all your desire for Citizenship and Equality before the law, by all your love for the Country, to stop at no subterfuge, listen to nothing that shall deter you from rallying for the Army. Come Forward, and at once Enroll you Names for the Three Years’ Service. Strike now, and you are henceforth and forever Freemen!

Frederick Douglass gave a speech in Rochester, New York on March 2, 1863, titled “Men of Color, To Arms!” :

When first the rebel cannon shattered the walls of Sumter and drove away its starving garrison, I predicted that the war then and there inaugurated would not be fought out entirely by white men. Every month’s experience during these dreary years has confirmed that opinion. A war undertaken and brazenly carried on for the perpetual enslavement of colored men, calls logically and loudly for colored men to help suppress it. Only a moderate share of sagacity was needed to see that the arm of the slave was the best defense against the arm of the slaveholder. Hence with every reverse to the national arms, with every exulting shout of victory raised by the slaveholding rebels, I have implored the imperiled nation to unchain against her foes, her powerful black hand. Slowly and reluctantly that appeal is beginning to be heeded. Stop not now to complain that it was not heeded sooner. It may or it may not have been best that it should not. This is not the time to discuss that question. Leave it to the future. When the war is over, the country is saved, peace is established, and the black man’s rights are secured, as they will be, history with an impartial hand will dispose of that and sundry other questions. Action! Action! not criticism is the plain duty of this hour. Words are now useful only as they stimulate to blows. The office of speech now is only to point out when, where, and how to strike to the best advantage. There is no time to delay. The tide is at its flood that leads on to fortune. From East to West, from North to South, the sky is written all over, “Now or never.” Liberty won by white men would lose half its luster. “Who would be free themselves must strike the blow.” “Better even die free, than to live slaves.” This is the sentiment of every brace colored man amongst us. There are weak and cowardly men in all nations. We have them amongst us. They tell you this is the “white man’s war”; that you will be no “better off after than before the war;” that the getting of you into the army is to “sacrifice you on the first opportunity.” Believe them not; cowards themselves, they do not wish to have their cowardice shamed by your brave example. Leave them to their timidity, or to whatever motive may hold them back. I have not their timidity, or to whatever motive may hold them back. I have not thought lightly of the words I am now addressing you. The counsel I give comes of close observation of the great struggle now in progress, and of the deep conviction that this is your hour and mine. In good earnest then, and after the best deliberation, I now for the first time during this war feel at liberty to call and counsel you to arms. By every consideration which binds you to your enslaved fellow¬ countrymen, and the peace and welfare of your country; by every aspiration which you cherish for the freedom and equality of yourselves and your children; by all the ties of blood and identity which make us one with the brave black men now fighting our battles in Louisiana and in South Carolina, I urge you to fly to arms, and smite with death the power that would bury the government and your liberty in the same hopeless grave. I wish I could tell you that the State of New York calls you to this high honor. For the moment her constituted authorities are silent on the subject. They will speak by and by, and doubtless on the right side; but we are not compelled to wait for her. We can get at the throat of treason and slavery through the State of Massachusetts. She was first in the War of Independence; first to break the chains of her slaves; first to make the black man equal before the law; first to admit colored children to her common schools, and she was first to answer with her blood the alarm cry of the nation, when its capital was menaced by rebels. You know her patriotic governor, and you know Charles Summer. I need not add more. Massachusetts’s now welcomes you to arms as soldiers. She has but a small colored population from which to recruit. She has full leave of the general government to send one regiment to the war, and she has undertaken to do it. Go quickly and help fill up the first colored regiment from the North. I am authorized to assure you that you will receive the same wages, the same rations, the same equipments, the same protection, the same treatment, and the same bounty, secured to the white soldiers. You will be led by able and skillful officers, men who will take special pride in your efficiency and success. They will be quick to accord to you all the honor you shall merit by your valor, and see that your rights and feelings are respected by other soldiers. I have assured myself on these points, and can speak with authority. More than twenty years of unswerving devotion to our common cause may give me some humble claim to be trusted at this momentous crisis. I will not argue. To do so implies hesitation and doubt, and you do not hesitate. You do not doubt. The day dawns; the morning star is bright upon the horizon! The iron gate of our prison stands half open. One gallant rush from the North will fling it wide open, while four millions of our brothers and sisters shall march out into liberty. The chance is now given you to end in a day the bondage of centuries, and to rise in one bound from social degradation to the plane of common equality with all other varieties of men. Remember Denmark Vesey of Charleston; remember Nathaniel Turner of Southampton; remember Shields Green and Copeland, who followed noble John Brown, and fell as glorious martyrs for the cause of the slave. Remember that in a contest with oppression, the Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with oppressors. The case is before you. This is our golden opportunity. Let us accept it, and forever wipe out the dark reproaches unsparingly hurled against us by our enemies. Let us win for ourselves the gratitude of our country, and the best blessings of our posterity through all time. The nucleus of this first regiment is now in camp at Readville, a short distance from Boston. I will undertake to forward to Boston all persons adjudged fit to be mustered into the regiment who shall apply to me at any time within the next two weeks. Source: Douglass’s Monthly, March 21, 1863, p. 1 http://www.blackpast.org/1863-frederick-douglass-men-color-arms

In response to an inquiry concerning the legal status of black men enlisting in the 54th Mass. Gov. Andrew wrote:

Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Executive Department, Boston,
March 23, 1863.
George T. Downing, Esq , New York.

Dear Sir, — In reply to your inquiries made as to the position of colored men who may be enlisted into the volunteer service of the United States, I would say that their position in respect to pay, equipments, bounty, or any aid or protection when so mustered is that of any and all other volunteers. I desire further to state to you that when I was in Washing ton on one occasion, in an interview with Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War, he stated in the most emphatic manner that he would never consent that free colored men should be accepted into the service to serve as soldiers in the South, until he should be assured that the Government of the United States was prepared to guarantee and defend to the last dollar and the last man, to these men, all the rights, privileges, and immunities that are given by the laws of civilized warfare to other soldiers. Their present acceptance and muster-in as soldiers pledges the honor of the nation in the same degree and to the same rights with all. They will be soldiers of the Union, nothing less and nothing different. I believe they will earn for themselves an honorable fame, vindicating their race and redressing their future from the aspersions of the past.

I am, yours truly,

John A. Andrew.

[Emilio p. 18]

At the end of Feb. 1863 the regiment began training. Emilio writes:

LIEUTENANT E. N. HALLOWELL, on Feb. 21, 1863, was ordered to Readville, Mass., where, at Camp Meigs, by direction of Brig. -Gen. R. A. Peirce, commandant of camps, he took possession with twenty- seven men of the buildings assigned to the new regiment. Readville is on the Boston and Providence Rail road, a few miles from Boston. The ground was flat, and well adapted for drilling, but in wet weather was muddy, and in the winter season bleak and cheerless. The barracks were great barn-like structures of wood with sleeping-bunks on either side. The field, staff, and company officers were quartered in smaller buildings. In other barracks near by was the larger part of the Second Massachusetts Cavalry, under Col. Charles R. Lowell, Jr., a brother-in-law of Colonel Shaw. During the first week seventy -two recruits were received in camp, and others soon began to arrive with a steady and increasing flow ; singly, in squads, and even in detachments from the several agencies established throughout the country. (Emilio p. 19)

The Surgeon General of the State of Massachusetts reported on the condition of the new recruits:

” The first recruits were sent to Camp Meigs, Readville, in February, 1863 ; their medical examination was most rigid and thorough, nearly one third of the number offering being peremptorily rejected. As a consequence, a more robust, strong, and healthy set of men were never mustered into the service of the United States.

” From the outset, the regiment showed great interest in drilling, and on guard duty it was always vigilant and active. The barracks, cook-houses, and kitchens far surpassed in cleanliness any I have ever witnessed, and were models of neatness and good order. The cooks, however, had many of them been in similar employment in other places, and had therefore brought some skill to the present responsibility. ” In camp, these soldiers presented a, buoyant cheerfulness and hilarity, which impressed me with the idea that the monotony of their ordinary duties would not dampen their feeling of contentment, if they were well cared for. On parade, their appearance was marked with great neatness of personal appearance as concerned dress and the good condition in which their arms and accoutrements were kept. Their habits being imitative, it was natural that they should be punctilious in matters of military etiquette, and such observances as the well- disciplined soldier, in his subordinate position, pays to his superior. And fortunately for them, they had the teachings of those who were not only thoroughly imbued with the importance of their trusts, but were gentlemen as well as soldiers. ” It was remarked that there was less drunkenness in this regiment than in any that had ever left Massachusetts ; but this may have been owing to the fact that the bounty was not paid them until a day or two previous to their departure. Never the less, it is my dispassionate and honest conviction that no regiments were ever more amenable to good discipline, or were more decorous and proper in their behavior than the Fifty- fourth and Fifty-fifth Massachusetts Colored Volunteers.” [Emilio pp. 19-22]

Emilio describes the formation of the companies:

Companies A and B were filled by March 15 ; Company D was then formed ; Company C came to camp from New Bedford on March 10. These four companies were mustered into the United States service on March 30. Lieu tenant Partridge on March 28 was assigned to begin Company E; Lieutenant Bridge, reporting from recruiting service, was placed in command of Company F, just forming; Lieutenant Smith, on April 10, was chosen to organize Company G. As recruits came in during April at the rate of one hundred per week, these three companies were ready for muster on April 23. Companies H, I, and K were mustered May 13, completing the regiment. (p. 20)

Shaw could show his own prejudices:

March 25, 1863 Colonel Shaw wrote : — ” If the success of the Fifty- fourth gives you so much pleasure, I shall have no difficulty in giving you good words of it whenever I write. Everything goes on prosperously. The intelligence of the men is a great surprise to me. They learn all the details of guard duty and camp service infinitely more readily than most of the Irish I have had under my command. There is not the least doubt that we shall leave the State with as good a regiment as any that has marched.”

Emilio writes that when the 54th filled its ranks, its overflow became the germ around which the 55th Mass formed:

By May 11, more recruits had arrived than were required, and the Fifty-fifth Massachusetts was begun with the surplus on the succeeding day. They occupied the old cavalry camp. Of the following officers trans ferred to it from the Fifty-fourth, N. P. Hallowell be came colonel; Alfred S. Hartwell, colonel and brevet brigadier-general ; William Nutt, colonel ; and Joseph Tilden, captain, during service with the Fifty-fifth. Sev eral non-commissioned officers and privates were also transferred to the new regiment to assist in its organiza tion. Details for guard duty at the new camp were for a time furnished from the Fifty-fourth. Rolls were made out on May 14 for the bounty of fifty dollars for each enlisted man, voted by the State. [Emilio p. 24]

On May 18, 1863 the flags of the 54th were presented to the regiment. Here is a description of this event:

They were four in number, — a national flag, a State color, an emblematic banner of white silk with the figure of the Goddess of Liberty, and the motto, ” Liberty, Loyalty, and Unity,” and another with a cross upon a blue field, and the motto, In Hoc Signo Vinces. [Emilio p. 25]

At the presentation of the flags, Gov. Andrew gave a speech addresses to Col. Shaw:

As the official representative of the Commonwealth, and by favor of various ladies and gentlemen, citizens of the Commonwealth, and friends of the Fifty-fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers, I have the honor and the satisfaction of being permitted to join you this morning for the purpose of presenting to your regiment the national flag, the State colors of Massachusetts, and the emblematic banners which the cordial, generous, and patriotic friendship of its patrons has seen fit to present to you. Two years of experience in all the trials and vicissitudes of war, attended with the repeated exhibition of Massachusetts regiments marching from home to the scenes of strife, have left little to be said or suggested which could give the interest of novelty to an occasion like this. But, Mr. Commander, one circumstance pertaining to the composition of the Fifty-fourth Regiment, exceptional in its character, when compared with anything we have seen before, gives to this hour an interest and importance, solemn and yet grand, because the occasion marks an era in the history of the war, of the Commonwealth, of the country, and of humanity. I need not dwell upon the fact that the enlisted men constituting the rank and file of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment are drawn from a race not hitherto connected with the fortunes of the war ; and yet I cannot forbear to allude to the circumstance for a brief moment, since it is uppermost in your thoughts, and since this regiment, which for many months has been the desire of my own heart, is present now before this vast assembly of friendly citizens of Massachusetts, prepared to vindicate by its future, — as it has already begun to do by its brief history of camp life here, — to vindicate in its own person, and in the presence, I trust, of all who belong to it, the character, the manly character, the zeal, the manly zeal, of the colored citizens of Massachusetts, and of those other States which have cast their lot with ours.

I owe to you, Mr. Commander, and to the officers who, associated with you, have assisted in the formation of this noble corps, composed of men selected from among their fellows for fine qualities of manhood, — I owe to you, sir, and to those of your associates who united with me in the original organization of this body, the heartiest and most emphatic expression of my cordial thanks. I shall follow you, Mr. Commander, your officers, and your men, with a friendly and personal solicitude, to say nothing of official care, which can hardly be said of any other corps which has marched from Massachusetts. My own personal honor, if I have any, is identified with yours. I stand or fall, as a man and a magistrate, with the rise or fall in the history of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment. I pledge not only in behalf of myself, but of all those whom I have the honor to represent to-day, the utmost generosity, the utmost kindness, the utmost devotion of hearty love, not only for the cause, but for you that represent it. We will follow your for tunes in the camp and in the field with the anxious eyes of brethren, and the proud hearts of citizens. To those men of Massachusetts and of surrounding States who have now made themselves citizens of Massachusetts, I have no word to utter fit to express the emotions of my heart. These men, sir, have now, in the Providence of God, given to them an opportunity which, while it is personal to themselves, is still an opportunity for a whole race of men. With arms possessed of might to strike a blow, they have found breathed into their hearts an inspiration of devoted patriotism and regard for their brethren of their own color, which has inspired them with a purpose to nerve that arm, that it may strike a blow which, while it shall help to raise aloft their country’s flag — their country’s flag, now, as well as ours — by striking down the foes which oppose it, strikes also the last shackle which binds the limbs of the bondmen in the Rebel States.

I know not, Mr. Commander, when, in all human history, to any given thousand men in arms there has been committed a work at once so proud, so precious, so full of hope and glory as the work committed to you. And may the infinite mercy of Almighty God attend you every hour of every day through all the experiences and vicissitudes of that dangerous life in which you have embarked ; may the God of our fathers cover your heads in the day of battle ; may He shield you with the arms of everlasting power ; may He hold you always — most of all, first of all, and last of all — up to the highest and holiest concep tion of duty, so that if, on the field of stricken fight, your souls shall be delivered from the thraldom of the flesh, your spirits shall go home to God, bearing aloft the exulting thought of duty well performed, of glory and reward won, even at the hands of the angels who shall watch over you from above ! Mr. Commander, you, sir, and most of your officers, have been carefully selected from among the most intelligent and experienced officers who have already performed illustrious service upon the field during the two years of our national conflict. I need not say, sir, with how much confidence and with how much pride we contemplate the leadership which this regiment will receive at your hands. In yourself, sir, your staff and line officers, we are enabled to declare a confidence which knows no hesitation and no doubt. “Whatever fortune may betide you, we know from the past that all will be done for the honor of the cause, for the protection of the flag, for the defense of the right, for the glory of your country, and for the safety and the honor of these men whom we commit to you, that shall he either in the human heart, or brain, or arm. And now, Mr. Commander, it is my most agreeable duty and high honor to hand to you, as the representative of the Fifty- fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteers, the American flag, ”the star-spangled banner” of the Republic. Wherever its folds shall be unfurled, it will mark the path of glory. Let its stars be the inspiration of yourself, your officers, and your men. As the gift of the young ladies of the city of Boston to their brethren in arms, they will cherish it as the lover cherishes the recollection and fondness of his mistress ; and the white stripes of its field will be red with their blood before it shall be surrendered to the foe.

I have also the honor, Mr. Commander, to present to you the State colors of Massachusetts, — the State colors of the old Bay State, borne already by fifty-three regiments of Massachusetts soldiers, white men thus far, now to be borne by the Fifty-fourth Regiment of soldiers, not less of Massachusetts than the others. Whatever may be said, Mr. Commander, of any other flag which has ever kissed the sunlight or been borne on any field, I have the pride and honor to be able to declare before you, your regiment, and these wit nesses, that from the beginning till now, the State colors of Massachusetts have never been surrendered to any foe. The Fifty-fourth now holds in possession this sacred charge, in the performance of their duties as citizen soldiers. You will never part with that flag so long as a splinter of the staff or a thread of its web remains within your grasp. The State colors are presented to the Fifty-fourth by the Relief Society, composed of colored ladies of Boston. And now let me commit to you this splendid emblematic banner. It is prepared for your acceptance by a large and patriotic committee, representing many others besides them selves, — ladies and gentlemen of Boston, to whose hearty sympathy and powerful co-operation and aid much of the success which has hitherto attended the organization of this regiment is due. The Goddess of Liberty erect in beautiful guise and form; Liberty, Loyalty, and Unity, — are the emblems it bears. The Goddess of Liberty shall be the lady-love, whose fair presence shall inspire your hearts ; Liberty, Loyalty, Unity, the watchwords in the fight.

And now, Mr. Commander, the sacred, holy Cross, representing passion, the highest heroism, I scarcely dare trust myself to present to you. It is the emblem of Christianity. I have parted with the emblems of the State, of the nation, — heroic, patriotic emblems they are, dear, inexpressibly dear to all our hearts ; but now In hoc signo vinces, — the Cross which represents the passion of our Lord, I now dare to pass into your soldier hands ; for we are fighting now a battle, not merely for country, not merely for humanity, not only for civilization, but for the religion of our Lord itself. When this cause shall ultimately fail, if ever failure at the last shall be possible, it will only fail when the last patriot, the last philanthropist, and the last Christian shall have tasted death, and left no descendants behind them upon the soil of Massachusetts. This flag, Mr. Commander, has connected with its history the most touching and sacred memories. It comes to your regiment from the mother, sister, friends, family relatives, of one of the dearest and noblest boys of Massachusetts.

This flag, Mr. Commander, has connected with its history the most touching and sacred memories. It comes to your regiment from the mother, sister, friends, family relatives, of one of the dearest and noblest boys of Massachusetts. I need not utter the name of Lieutenant Putnam in order to excite in every heart the tenderest emotions of fond regard, or the strongest feeling of patriotic fire. May you, sir, and these, follow not only on the field of battle, but in all the walks and ways of life, in camp and hereafter, when, on returning peace, you shall resume the more quiet and peaceful duties of citizens, — may you but follow the splendid example, the sweet devotion, mingled with manly, heroic character, of which the life and death of Lieutenant Putnam was one example ! How many more there are we know not, — the record is not yet complete ; but oh, how many there are of these Massachusetts sons, who, like him, have tasted death for this immortal cause ! Inspired by such examples, fired by the heat and light of love and faith which illumined and warmed these heroic and noble hearts, may you, sir, and these march on to glory, to victory, and to every honor ! This flag I present to you, Mr. Commander, and your regiment. In hoc signo vinces. [Emilio 25-30]

At the conclusion of the governor’s speech, Shaw gave this brief reply:

Your Excellency : We accept these flags with feelings of deep gratitude. They will remind us not only of the cause we are fighting for, and of our country, but of the friends we have left behind us, who have thus far taken so much interest in this regiment, and whom we know will follow us in our career. Though the greater number of men in this regiment are not Massachusetts men, I know there is not one who will not be proud to fight and serve under our flag. May we have an opportunity to show that you have not made a mistake in entrusting the honor of the State to a colored regiment, — the first State that has sent one to the war. I am very glad to have this opportunity to thank the officers and men of the regiment for their untiring fidelity and devotion to their work from the very beginning. They have shown that sense of the importance of the undertaking without which we should hardly have attained our end. [Emilio 30-31]

On My 18, 1863 Stanton telegraphed Gov. Andrew that the 54th would be assigned to Gen. David Hunter, commanding the Department of the South, and should be sent to South Carolina. On May 28 the regiment left Readville for Boston. The police stationed more than a hundred men along the route of march in Boston in case anyone tried to insult or attack the black regiment.

Irish immigrant Patrick Gilmore’s band led the procession through Boston paraded past the home of abolitionist Wendell Phillips, on Essex Street where William Lloyd Garrisson was also present. The regiment marched to the State House and was reviewed by Gov. Andrew. Senator Wilson and the Mayor of Boston were also present. It was recognized that this was not just another Mass. regiment headed off to war. When the procession marched past the scene of the Boston Massacre where Crispus Attucks had been shot the band played John Brown’s Body.

At 1PM the regiment boarded the transport “De Molay,” with Frederick Douglass looking on. It set sail at 4PM. [Emilio pp. 30-33]

Some Officers of the 54th on May 28, 1863 were as follows:

Colonel, — Robert G. Shaw.
Major, — Edward N. Hallowell.
Surgeon, — Lincoln R. Stone.
Assistant-Surgeon, — Charles B. Bridgham.
Adjutant, — Garth W. James.
Quartermaster, — John Ritchie.

You can find the complete list on page 34 of Emilio:
https://play.google.com/books/reade…ec=frontcover&output=reader&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA34

Emilio lists some of the Black non-commissioned officers:

General David Hunter wrote to Gov. Andrew reporting the arrival of the 54th:

Headquarters Dep’t op the South, Hilton Head, Port Royal, S. C,
June 3, 1863.
His Excellency, Governor Andrew, Massachusetts. Governor, —

I have the honor to announce that the Fifty . fourth Massachusetts (colored) troops, Colonel Shaw commanding, arrived safely in this harbor this afternoon and have been sent to Port Royal Island. The regiment had an excellent pas sage, and from the appearance of the men I doubt not that this command will yet win a reputation and place in history deserving the patronage you have given them. Just as they were steaming up the bay I received from Col. James Montgomery, commanding Second South Carolina Regiment, a telegraphic despatch, of which certified copy is enclosed. Colonel Montgomery’s is but the initial step of a system of operations which will rapidly compel the Rebels either to lay down their arms and sue for restoration to the Union or to withdraw their slaves into the interior, thus leaving desolate the most fertile and productive of their counties along the Atlantic seaboard. The Fifty-fourth Regiment Massachusetts Volunteers shall soon be profitably and honorably employed ; and I beg that you will send for service in this department the other colored regiment which Colonel Shaw tells me you are now organizing and have in forward preparation. Thanking you heartily for the kindness and promptness with which you have met my views in this matter, and referring you to my letter to Mr. Jefferson Davis as a guarantee that all soldiers fighting for the flag of their country in this department will be protected, irrespective of any accident of color or birth, I have the honor to be, Governor, with the highest esteem, Your very obedient servant,

D. Hunter, Major-General Commanding.

After a brief time in Beaufort, SC, the 54th was sent to St. Simon’s Island. That post was commanded by Col. James Montgomery. In early June, Montgomery led an expedition against Darien in which the 54th Mass and other black units participated.

Emilio describes what happened:

Darien, the New Inverness of early days, was a most beautiful town as Montgomery’s forayers entered it that fateful June day. A broad street extended along the river, with others running into it, all shaded with mul berry and oak trees of great size and beauty. Storehouses and mills along the river-bank held quantities of rice and resin. There might have been from seventy-five to one hundred residences in the place. There were three churches, a market-house, jail, clerk’s office, court-house, and an academy. After forming line, orders came for the Fifty-fourth to make details and secure from the houses such things as would be useful in camp, besides live-stock, resin, lumber, etc. Soon the plundering thus legitimized began. An officer thus describes the scene : —

“The men began to come in by twos, threes, and dozens, loaded with every species and all sorts and quantities of furniture, stores, trinkets, etc., till one would be tired enumerating. We had sofas, tables, pianos, chairs, mirrors, carpets, beds, bedsteads, carpenter’s tools, cooper’s tools, books, law-books, account-books in unlimited supply, china sets, tinware, earthen ware, Confederate shinplasters, old letters, papers, etc. A private would come along with a slate, yard-stick, and a brace of chickens in one hand, and in the other hand a rope with a cow attached.”

But the crowning act of vandalism is thus set forth in one of Colonel Shaw’s letters : —

” After the town was pretty thoroughly disembowelled, he [Montgomery] said to me, ‘ I shall burn this town.’ He speaks in a very low tone, and has quite a sweet smile when addressing you. I told him I did not want the responsibility of it, and he was only too happy to take it all on his own shoulders. . . . The reasons he gave me for destroying Darien were that the Southerners must be made to feel that this was a real war, and that they were to be swept away by the hand of God like the Jews of old. In theory it may seem all right to some ; but when it comes to being made the instrument of the Lord’s vengeance, I myself don’t like it. Then he says, ‘We are out lawed, and therefore not bound by the rules of regular war fare.’ But that makes it none the less revolting to wreak our vengeance on the innocent and defenceless.”

By Montgomery’s express orders, therefore, the town was fired, only one company of the Fifty-fourth participating with the Second South Carolina, Montgomery applying the torch to the last buildings with his own hand. Fanned by a high wind, the flames eventually destroyed everything but a church, a few houses, and some lumber works owned in the North. The schooner “Pet,” with fifty-five bales of cotton for Nassau, lying in a small creek four miles above, was captured, and a flatboat with twenty- five bales near by was also secured. Our transports had been loaded with plunder, and late in the afternoon the troops rc-cmbarked. Some ware houses had been fired, and the river-bank was a sheet of flame. A few moments’ delay or a change of wind might have resulted disastrously. The heat was so intense that all were driven to the farther side of our boat, and gun- barrels became so hot that the men were ordered to hold them upward. Five miles below the town the steamer anchored. The light of the fire was seen that night at St. Simon’s, fifteen miles away. [Emilio 42-43]

Col. Shaw was very angry at the burning of the town and he wrote a letter to Gov. Andrew informing him of what had happened. He also wrote to Charles Halpine (an Irish immigrant) who served as Gen. Hunter’s adjutant:

St. Simon’s Island, Ga., June 14, 1863.
Li euten ant-Colonel Halpine, A. A. G. Tenth Army Corps, and Department of the South.

Dear Sir, —

Will you allow me to ask you a private question, which of course you are at liberty to answer or not? Has Colonel Montgomery orders from General Hunter to burn and destroy all town and dwelling houses he may capture? On the 11th inst., as you know, we took the town of Darien without opposition, the place being occupied, as far as we ascertained, by non-combatants ; Colonel Montgomery burned it to the ground, and at leaving finally, shelled it from the river. If he does this on his own responsibility, I shall refuse to have a share in it, and take the consequences ; but, of course, if it is an order from headquarters, it is a different matter, as in that case I suppose it to have been found necessary to adopt that policy. He ordered me, if separated from him, to burn all the plantation houses I came across. Now, I am perfectly ready to burn any place which resists, and gives some reason for such a proceeding ; but it seems to me barbarous to turn women and children adrift in that way ; and if I am only assisting Colonel Montgomery in a private enterprise of his own, it is very distasteful to me. I am aware that this is not a military way of getting information ; and I hope you will feel that I shall not be hurt if you refuse to answer my question. Believe me, very truly yours,

Shaw,

Colonel Commanding Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment.

According to Emilio, Shaw later learned that Montgomery’s actions were consistent with Hunter’s orders.

On June 23, 1863, the 54th was ordered to Hilton Head. Rumors began to circulate that the pay-equality which the men of the 54th had been promised would not be adhered to. Shaw wrote to Gov. Andrew:

St. Helena Island, S. C, July 2, 1863.

HIS ExCELLENCY GOVERNOR ANDREW.

Dear Sir, — Since I last wrote you, the Fifty-fourth has left St. Simon’s Island and returned to St. Helena near Hilton Head. We are now encamped in a healthy place, close to the harbor, where we get the sea breeze. You have probably seen the order from Washington which cuts down the pay of colored troops from $13 to 010. Of course if this affects Massachusetts regiments, it will be a great piece of injustice to them, as they were enlisted on the express understanding that they were to be on precisely the same foot ing as all other Massachusetts troops. In my opinion they should be mustered out of the service or receive the full pay which was promised them. The paymaster here is inclined to class us with the contraband regiments, and pay the men only 810. If he does not change his mind, I shall refuse to have the regiment paid until I hear from you on the subject. And at any rate I trust you will take the matter in hand, for every pay-day we shall have the same trouble unless there is a special order to prevent it. Another change that has been spoken of was the arming of negro troops with pikes instead of firearms. Whoever proposed it must have been looking for a means of annihilating negro troops altogether, I should think — or have never been under a heavy musketry fire, nor observed its effects. The project is now abandoned, I believe.

My men are well and in good spirits. We have only five in hospital. We are encamped near the Second South Carolina near General Strong’s brigade, and are under his immediate command. He seems anxious to do all he can for us, and if there is a fight in the Department will no doubt give the black troops a chance to show what stuff they are made of. With many wishes for your good health and happiness, I remain,

Morale among the black troops was further harmed by a summary execution of a black soldier by Col. Montgomery:

A deserter from the Second South Carolina was brought by Lieut. George W. Brush of his regiment before Colonel Montgomery on June 28. After questioning him, the colonel ordered him to be taken away and shot, which was done at once. Montgomery was never taken to task for this illegal action. [Emilio p. 48]

In July, 1863, the regiment went to James Island. On July 16, it had its first skirmish with the Confederates. Emilio described the fight:

In the gray of early dawn of July 16, the troops in bivouac on James Island were awakened by dropping shots, and then heavy firing on the picket line to the right. Clambering to the top of a pile of cracker-boxes, an officer of the Fifty-fourth, looking in the direction of the firing, saw the flashes of musketry along the out posts. In a few moments came the sharp metallic ex plosions from field-guns to the left by the river-bank. Wilkie James, the adjutant, rode in post-haste along the line, with cheery voice but unusually excited manner, ordering company commanders to form. “Fall in! fall in!” resounded on all sides, while drums of the several regiments were beating the long-roll. But a few moments sufficed for the Fifty-fourth to form, when Colonel Shaw marched it to the right and some little distance to the rear, where it halted, faced to the front, and stood in line of battle at right angles to the Seccssionville road. Rapid work was going on at the outposts. Before dawn the pickets of the Fifty-fourth had heard hoarse commands and the sound of marching men coming from the bank of darkness before them. Soon a line of men in open order came sweeping toward them from the gloom into the nearer and clearer light.

Soon the enemy gained the road at a point in rear of Russel’s right. Some of the men there, hardly aware of their extremity, were still holding their positions against those of the enemy who appeared in the immediate front. It seemed to Sergt. Peter Vogelsang of Company H, who had his post at a palmetto-tree, that in a moment one hundred Rebels were swarming about him. He led his comrades to join men on his left, where they advanced, firing. With effect too, for they came to the body of a dead Rebel, from whom Vogelsang took a musket. Russel’s right posts, thus cut off, were followed by a company of the Nineteenth Georgia, and after the desultory fighting were driven, to escape capture, into the creek on the right of the line, where some were drowned. Those most courageous refused to fall back, and were killed or taken as . prisoners. Sergt. James D. Wilson of Company H was one of the former. He was an expert in the use of the musket, having been employed with the famous Ellsworth Zouaves of Chicago. Many times he had declared to his comrades that he would never retreat or surrender to the enemy. On that morning, when at tacked, he called to his men to stand fast. Assailed by five men, he is said to have disabled three of them. Some cavalrymen coming up, he charged them with a shout as they circled about him, keeping them all at bay for a time with the bayonet of his discharged musket, until the brave fellow sank in death with three mortal besides other wounds. Captain Russel, finding that the enemy had turned his flank before he could face back, had to retire with such men as were not cut off, at double-quick, finding the foe about the reserve house when he reached it. A mounted officer charged up to Russel, and cut twice at his head with his sword. Preston Williams of Company H caught the second sweep upon his bayonet and shot the Confederate through the neck, thus saving his captain’s life. From the reserve house Russel and his men retired, fight ing as they could. Captain Simpkins’s right, as has been told, first bore the force of the attack. By strenuous efforts and great personal exposure that cool and gallant officer collected some men in line. With them he contested the way back step by step, halting now and then to face about and fire, thus gaining time, the loss of which thwarted the enemy’s plan. Of his men, Corp. Henry A. Field of Company K especially distinguished himself. Captain Willard at the reserve house at once sent back word, by a mounted orderly, of the situation. To the support of his right he sent Lieutenant Appleton with some men, and to the left First Sergeant Simmons of Company B with a small force, and then looked for aid from our main body. He endeavored to form a line of skirmishers, when the men began coming back from the front, but with little success. The men could not be kept in view because of the underbrush nearly as high as a man. As the expected succor did not come, the officers and the remaining men made their way back to the division. It will be remembered that with the first musket-shots came the sound of field-guns from the Stono. The enemy’s four Napoleons had galloped into battery within four hundred yards of the gunboats, and fired some ten rounds be fore they were replied to ; their shots crashed through the ” Pawnee ” again and again, with some loss. It was impossible for the gunboats to turn in the narrow stream, and their guns did not bear properly. To drop down was dangerous, but it was done ; when out of close range, the ” Marblehead, ” ” Pawnee, ” and ” Huron ” soon drove their tormentors away from the river-bank. To capture the Tenth Connecticut, the enemy, after dealing with the Fifty-fourth, sent a portion of his force ; but the resistance made by Captain Simpkins had al lowed time for the Tenth Connecticut to abandon its dangerous position at the double-quick. None too soon, however, for five minutes’ delay would have been fatal. A correspondent of “The Reflector,” writing from Morris Island a few days later, said : —

“The boys of the Tenth Connecticut could not help loving the men who saved them from destruction. I have been deeply affected at hearing this feeling expressed by officers and men of the Connecticut regiment ; and probably a thousand homes from Windham to Fairfield have in letters been told the story how the dark-skinned heroes fought the good fight and covered with their own brave hearts the retreat of brothers, sons, and fathers of Connecticut.”

The valuable time gained by the resistance of the Fifty- fourth pickets had also permitted the formation of Terry’s division in line of battle. Hardly had the Fifty-fourth taken its position before men from the front came strag gling in, all bearing evidence of struggles with bush and brier, some of the wounded limping along unassisted, others helped by comrades. One poor fellow, with his right arm shattered, still carried his musket in his left hand. Captain Russel appeared in sight, assisting a sergeant, badly wounded. Bringing up the rear came Captains Willard and Simpkins, the latter with his trousers and rubber coat pierced with bullets. As the pickets and their officers reached the regiment, they took their places in line. A few minutes after these events, the enemy, having advanced to a position within about six hundred yards of the Federal line, opened fire with guns of the Marion Artillery, making good line shots, but fortunately too high. It was a supreme moment for the Fifty-fourth, then under fire as a regiment for the first time. The sight of wounded comrades had been a trial ; and the screaming shot and shell flying overhead, cutting the branches of trees to the right, had a deadly sound. But the dark line stood stanch, holding the front at the most vital point. Not a man was out of place, as the officers could see while they stood in rear of the lines, observing their men.

In reply to the enemy’s guns the Connecticut battery fired percussion-shells, and for some time this artillery duel continued. To those who were anticipating an attack by infantry, and looking for the support of the gunboats, their silence was ominous. Every ear was strained to catch the welcome sound, and at last it came in great booms from Parrott guns. Very opportunely, too, on the night before, the armed transports ” John Adams ” and “Mayflower” had run up the creek on our right flank, and their guns were fired twelve or fifteen times with good effect before the enemy retired. The expected attack on Terry’s line by infantry did not take place, for after about an hour the enemy retired in some confusion. [Emilio 55-62]

Battery Wagner

On July 18, 1863 the 54th Mass. played a leading role in the assault on Battery Wagner, part of the fortifications protecting Charleston. Here is how the regiment’s history describes the decision that the 54th would lead the attack:

Upon arriving at Morris Island, Colonel Shaw and Adjutant James walked toward the front to report to General Strong, whom they at last found, and who announced that Port Wagner was to be stormed that evening. Knowing Colonel Shaw’s desire to place his men beside white troops, he said, “You may lead the column, if you say ‘yes.’ Your men, I know, are worn out, but do as you choose, ” Shaw’s face brightened, and before replying, he requested Adjutant James to return and have Lieutenant-Colonel Hallowell bring up the Fifty-fourth. Adjutant James, who relates this interview, then departed on his mission. Receiving this order, the regiment marched on to General Strong’s headquarters, where a halt of five minutes was made about 6 o’clock p. m. Noticing the worn look of the men, who had passed two days without an issue of rations, and no food since morning, when the weary march began, the general expressed his sympathy and his great desire that they might have food and stimulant. It could not be, however, for it was necessary that the regiment should move on to the position assigned. [Emilio p. 72]

General Seymour explained his reasons for placing the 54th in the lead:

“It was believed that the Fifty-fourth was in every respect as efficient as any other body of men ; and as it was one of the strongest and best officered, there seemed to be no good reason why it should not be selected for the advance. This point was decided by General Strong and myself.” Emilio p. 75

Emilio give a romantic description of the regiment in the moments before it began the assault:

About this time, Colonel Shaw walked back to Lieutenant- Colonel Hallowell, and said, ” I shall go in advance with the National flag. You will keep the State flag with you ; it will give the men something to rally round. We shall take the fort or die there! Good-by!” Presently, General Strong, mounted upon a spirited gray horse, in full uniform, with a yellow handkerchief bound around his neck, rode in front of the Fifty-fourth, accompanied by two aids and two orderlies. He addressed the men J and his words, as given by an officer of the regiment, were : ” Boys, I am a Massachusetts man, and I know you will fight for the honor of the State. I am sorry you must go into the fight tired and hungry, but the men in the fort are tired too. There are but three hundred behind those walls, and they have been fighting all day. Don’t fire a musket on the way up, but go in and bayonet them at their guns. ” Calling out the color- bearer, he said, ” If this man should fall, who will lift the flag and carry it on ? ” Colonel Shaw, standing near, took a cigar from between his lips, and said quietly, “I will.” The men loudly responded to Colonel Shaw’s pledge, while General Strong rode away to give the signal for advancing. [Emilio p. 77]

Emilio says that there was no careful preparations for the assault:

The preparations usual in an assault were not made. There was no provision for cutting away obstructions, filling the ditch, or spiking the guns. No special instructions were given the stormers ; no line of skirmishers or covering party was thrown out; no engineers or guides accompanied the column; no artillery-men to serve cap tured guns ; no plan of the work was shown company officers. It was understood that the fort would be assaulted with the bayonet, and that the Fifty-fourth would be closely supported. [Emilio p. 78]

Emilio describes the advance of the 54th towards Wagner:

Colonel Shaw walked along the front to the centre, and giving the command, ” Attention ! ” the men sprang to their feet. Then came the admonition, “Move in quick time until within a hundred yards of the fort; then double quick, and charge! ” A slight pause, followed by the sharp command, ” Forward ! ” and the Fifty-fourth advanced to the storming. There had been a partial resumption of the bombard ment during the formation, but now only an occasional shot was heard. The enemy in Wagner had seen the preparations, knew what was coming, and were awaiting the blow. With Colonel Shaw leading, sword in hand, the long advance over three quarters of a mile of sand had begun, with wings closed up and company officers admonishing their men to preserve the alignment. Guns from Sumter, Sullivan’s Island, and James Island, began to play upon the regiment. It was about 7:45 p. M. , with darkness coming on rapidly, when the Fifty-fourth moved. With barely room for the formation from the first, the narrowing way between the sand hillocks and the sea soon caused a strong pressure to the right, so that Captains Willard and Emilio on the right of the right companies of their wings were with some of their men forced to march in water up to their knees, at each incoming of the sea. Moving at quick time, and preserving its formation as well as the difficult ground and narrowing way permitted, the Fifty-fourth was approaching the defile made by the easterly sweep of the marsh. Darkness was rapidly coming on, and each moment became deeper. Soon men on the flanks were compelled to fall behind, for want of room to continue in line. The centre only had a free path, and with eyes strained upon the colonel and the flag, they pressed on toward the work, now only two hundred yards away. [Emilio p. 80]

The Confederates suddenly unleashed a wall of fire:

At that moment Wagner became a mound of fire, from which poured a stream of shot and shell. Just a brief lull, and the deafening explosions of cannon were renewed, mingled with the crash and rattle of musketry. A sheet of flame, followed by a running fire, like electric sparks, swept along the parapet, as the Fifty-first North Carolina gave a direct, and the Charleston Battalion a left-oblique, fire on the Fifty-fourth. Their Thirty-first North Carolina had lost heart, and failed to take position in the southeast bastion, — fortunately, too, for had its musketry fire been added to that delivered, it is doubtful whether any Federal troops could have passed the defile. When this tempest of war came, before which men fell in numbers on every side, the only response the Fifty- fourth made to the deadly challenge was to change step to the double-quick, that it might the sooner close with the foe. There had been no stop, pause, or check at any period of the advance, nor was there now. As the swifter pace was taken, and officers sprang to the fore with waving swords barely seen in the darkness, the men closed the gaps, and with set jaws, panting breath, and bowed heads, charged on.

Wagner’s wall, momentarily lit up by cannon-flashes, was still the goal toward which the survivors rushed in sadly diminished numbers. It was now dark, the gloom made more intense by the blinding explosions in the front. This terrible fire which the regiment had just faced, probably caused the greatest number of casualties sustained by the Fifty-fourth in the assault; for nearer the work the men were somewhat sheltered by the high parapet. Every flash showed the ground dotted with men of the regiment, killed or wounded. Great holes, made by the huge shells of the navy or the land batteries, were pitfalls into which the men stumbled or fell.

Colonel Shaw led the regiment to the left toward the curtain of the work, thus passing the southeast bastion, and leaving it to the right hand. From that salient no musketry fire came; and some Fifty-fourth men first entered it, not following the main body by reason of the darkness. As the survivors drew near the work, they encountered the flanking fire delivered from guns in the southwest salient, and the howitzers outside the fort, which swept the trench, where further severe losses were sustained. Nothing but the ditch now separated the stormers and the foe. Down into this they went, through the two or three feet of water therein, and mounted the slope beyond in the teeth of the enemy, some of whom, stand ing on the crest, fired down on them with depressed pieces. Both flags were planted on the parapet, the national flag carried there and gallantly maintained by the brave Sergt. William H. Carney of Company C. [Emilio p. 81]

Emilio describes the famously tragic scene at the rampart:

In the pathway from the defile to the fort many brave men had fallen. Lieutenant-Colonel Hallowell was severely wounded in the groin, Captain Willard in the leg, Adjutant James in the ankle and side, Lieutenant Romans in the shoulder. Lieutenants Smith and Pratt were also wounded. Colonel Shaw had led his regiment from first to last. Gaining the rampart, he stood there for a moment with uplifted sword, shouting, “Forward, Fifty- fourth ! ” and then fell dead, shot through the heart, be sides other wounds. [Emilio pp. 81-82]

After the colonel had been killed, the struggle continued for a short while, but the Confederates were stronger than had been supposed:

Not a shot had been fired by the regiment up to this time. As the crest was gained, the crack of revolver- shots was heard, for the officers fired into the surging mass of upturned faces confronting them, lit up redly but a moment by the powder-flashes. Musket-butts and bayonets were freely used on the parapet, where the stormers were gallantly met. The garrison fought with muskets, handspikes, and gun-rammers, the officers striking with their swords, so close were the combatants. Numbers, however, soon told against the Fifty-fourth, for it was tens against hundreds. Outlined against the sky, they were a fair mark for the foe. Men fell every moment during the brief struggle. Some of the wounded crawled down the slope to shelter; others fell headlong into the ditch below. It was seen from the volume of musketry fire, even before the walls were gained, that the garrison was stronger than had been supposed, and brave in defending the work. The first rush had failed, for those of the Fifty-fourth who reached the parapet were too few in numbers to overcome the garrison, and the supports were not at hand to take full advantage of their first fierce attack. [Emilio p. 82]

Most of the officers of the 54th were killed or wounded in the assault. This left the regiment under the temporary command of Emilio:

Captain Emilio, the junior of that rank, succeeded to the command of the Fifty-fourth on the field by casualties. After retiring from Wagner to a point where men were encountered singly or in small squads, he determined to rally as many as possible. With the assistance of Lieu tenants Grace and Dexter, a large portion of the Fifty- fourth survivors were collected and formed in line, together with a considerable number of white soldiers of various regiments. While thus engaged, the national flag of the Fifty-fourth was brought to Captain Emilio; but as it was useless as a rallying-point in the darkness, it was sent to the rear for safety. Sergeant Carney had bravely brought this flag from Wagner’s parapet, at the cost of two grievous wounds. The State color was torn from the staff, the silk was found by the enemy in the moat, while the staff remained with us. (Emilio p. 84)

Sergt. George E. Stephens of Company B, …says, — ” I remember distinctly that when our column had charged the fort, passed the half-filled moat, and mounted to the parapet, many of our men clambered over, and some entered by the large embrasure in which one of the big guns was mounted, the firing substantially ceased there by the beach, and the Rebel musketry fire steadily grew hotter on our left. An officer of our regiment called out, ‘ Spike that gun ! ‘ . . . Just at the very hottest moment of the struggle, a battalion or regiment charged up to the moat, halted, and did not attempt to cross it and join us, but from their position commenced to fire upon us. I was one of the men who shouted from where I stood, ‘ Don’t fire on us ! We are the Fifty-fourth.’ I have heard it was a Maine regiment. . . . Many of our men will join me in saying that in the early stages of the fight we had possession of the sea end of Battery Wagner. . . . When we reached the Gatling battery drawn up to repel a counter-attack, I remember you were the only commissioned officer present, and you placed us indiscriminately, — that is, without any regard to companies in line, — and proposed to renew the charge. The commanding officer, whom I do not know, ordered us to the flanking rifle-pits, and we then awaited the expected counter-charge the enemy did not make.” Emilio pp. 97-98

According to Emilio:

A major concern of the men of the 54th was what would happen to those of their comrades who fell into the hands of the Confederates. Officers and men had been threatened with execution and blacks had been threatened with enslavement. Emilio writes:

Governor Andrew and the friends of the regiment therefore exerted themselves to have the Government throw out its protecting hand over its colored soldiers and their officers in the enemy’s hands. Two sections were at once added to General Orders No. 100 of the War Department, relating to such prisoners, a copy of which was transmitted to the Confederate com missioner, Robert Ould. The first set forth that once a soldier no man was responsible individually for warlike acts; the second, that the law of nations recognized no distinctions of color, and that if the enemy enslaved or sold the captured soldier, as the United States could not enslave, death would be the penalty in retaliation. (p. 96)

Here was Lincoln’s proclamation:

Executive Mansion, Washington, July, 1863. It is the duty of every government to give protection to its citizens of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person on account of his color, and for no offence against the laws of war, is a relapse into barbarism and a crime against the civilization of the age. The Government of the United States will give the same protection to all its soldiers ; and if the enemy shall sell or enslave any one because of his color, the offence shall be punished by retaliation upon the enemy’s prisoners in our hands. It is therefore ordered that for every soldier of the United States killed in violation of the laws of war, a Rebel soldier shall be executed, and for every one enslaved by the enemy or sold into slavery, a Rebel soldier shall be placed at hard labor on the public works, and continue at such labor until the other shall be released and receive the treatment due a prisoner of war.

Abraham Lincoln.

Two men of the 54th were put on trial by South Carolina:

…the Fifty-fourth men were demanded by Governor Bonham, of South Carolina, from the military authorities.. A test case was made ; and Sergt. Walter A. Jeffries of Company H, and Corp. Charles Hardy of Company B, were actually tried for their lives. They were successfully defended by the ablest efforts of one of the most brilliant of Southern advocates, the Union-loving and noble Nelson Mitchell, of Charleston, who, with a courage rarely equalled, fearlessly assumed the self-imposed task. Thence forth never noticed, this devoted man died a few months after in Charleston, neglected and in want, because of this and other loyal acts. (Emilio p. 97)

Emilio provides a Confederate account of the death of Shaw:

The most circumstantial account relating thereto is contained in a letter to the writer from Capt. H. W. Hendricks, a Confederate officer who was present at the time, dated from Charleston, S. C, June 29, 1882; and the following extracts are made therefrom : —

“… Colonel Shaw fell on the left of our flagstaff about ten yards towards the river, near the bombproof immediately on our works, with a number of his officers and men. He was instantly killed, and fell outside of our works. The morning following the battle his body was carried through our lines ; and I noticed that he was stripped of all his clothing save under-vest and drawers. This desecration of the dead we en deavored to provide against ; but at that time — the incipiency of the Rebellion — our men were bo frenzied that it was next to impossible to guard against it ; this desecration, however, was almost exclusively participated in by the more desperate and lower class of our troops. Colonel Shaw’s body was brought in from the sally-port on the Confederate right, and conveyed across the parade-ground into the bombproof by four of our men of the burial party. Soon after, his body was carried out via the sally-port on the left river-front, and conveyed across the front of our works, and there buried. . . . His watch and chain were robbed from his body by a private in my company, by name Charles Blake. I think he had other personal property of Colonel Shaw. . . . Blake, with other members of my company, jumped our works at night after hostilities had ceased, and robbed the dead. . . . Colonel Shaw was the only officer buried with the colored troops. . . .” [Emilio p. 98]

The disposition of Shaw’s body was condemned in the North. Emilio tells of a letter from Assistant Surgeon John Luck:

Asst. -Surg. John T. Luck, U. S. N., who was captured while engaged in assisting our wounded during the morning of July 19, that Gen. Johnson Hagood, who had succeeded General Taliaferro in command of Battery Wagner that morning, was responsible for the deed. The following is extracted from that letter: — “… While being conducted into the fort, I saw Colonel Shaw of the Fifty-four Massachusetts (colored) Regiment lying dead upon the ground just outside the parapet. A stalwart negro man had fallen near him. The Rebels said the negro was a color sergeant. The colonel had been killed by a rifle-shot through the chest, though he had received other wounds. Brigadier-General Hagood, commanding the Rebel forces, said to me : ‘ I knew Colonel Shaw before the war, and then esteemed him. Had he been in command of white troops, I should have t given him an honorable burial ; as it is, I shall bury him in the common trench with the negroes that fell with him.’ The burial party were then at work ; and no doubt Colonel Shaw was buried just beyond the ditch of the fort in the trench where I saw our dead indiscriminately thrown. Two days afterwards a Rebel surgeon (Dr. Dawson, of Charleston, S. C, I think) told me that Hagood had carried out his threat.” [Emilio pp. 99-100]

On page 100-101 Emilio describes some contradictory claims concerning the Shaw corpse.

Rob Shaw’s father wrote expressing the desires of the family regarding Rob’s body:

New York,
Aug. 24, 1863.
Brigadier-General Gillmore, Commanding Department of the South.

Sir, — I take the liberty to address you because I am in formed that efforts are to be made to recover the body of my son, Colonel Shaw of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment, which was buried at Fort Wagner. My object in writing is to say that such efforts are not authorized by me or any of my family, and that they are not approved by us. We hold that a soldier’s most appropriate burial-place is on the field where he has fallen. I shall therefore be much obliged, General, if in case the matter is brought to your cognizance, you will forbid the desecration of my son’s grave, and prevent the disturbance of his remains or those buried with him. With most earnest wishes for your success, I am, sir, with respect and esteem,
Your obedient servant,

Francis George Shaw.

For the rest of July, all of August, and the beginning of Sept. the 54th participated in the siege of Fort Wagner. Working as sappers, the regiment approached to within 100 years of the fortification. After a 42 hour bombardment from navel forces the fort was evacuated and on Sept. 7 the Union forces realized that opposition had ceased. Emilio writes:

Soon came the gray of early morning, and with it rumors that Wagner was evacuated. By and by the rumors were confirmed, and the glad tidings spread from regiment to regiment. Up and down through the trenches and the parallels rolled repeated cheers and shouts of victory. It was a joyous time ; our men threw up their hats, dancing in their gladness. Officers shook hands enthusiastically. Wagner was ours at last. [Emilio p. 123]

Emilio describes the discrimination in pay of the 54th as well as Col. Montgomey’s disgusting speech:

Paymaster Usher arrived in camp September 27 [1863], ready to pay the men $10 per month from enlistment, less $3 per month deducted for clothing. Upon the non-commissioned officers being assembled, they with great unanimity declined the reduced payment for themselves and their comrades. The paymaster again came on the 30th to renew his offer.

It was on this date that Colonel Montgomery appeared and made the men a remarkable and characteristic address, which Sergeant Stephens of Company B has given in sub stance as follows : —

“Men : the paymaster is here to pay you. You must remember you have not proved yourselves soldiers. You must take notice that the Government has virtually paid you a thou sand dollars apiece for setting you free. Nor should you ex pect to be placed on the same footing with white men. Any one listening to your shouting and singing can see how grotesquely ignorant you are. I am your friend and the friend of the negro. I was the first person in the country to employ ****** soldiers in the United States Army. I was out in Kansas. I was short of men. I had a lot of n!ggers and a lot of mules ; and you know a ****** and a mule go very well together. I therefore enlisted the ******s, and made teamsters of them. In refusing to take the pay offered you, and what you are only legally entitled to, you are guilty of insubordination and mutiny, and can be tried and shot by court-martial.”

Montgomery besides made some gross and invidious insinuations and reflections because the Fifty-fourth men were so light-colored, which it would be improper to repeat. The colonel seemed to be unaware that his remarks were insulting, and most of the men he addressed born free. [Emilio 130-131]

The unequal pay issue continued to roil the regiment. Gov. Andrew appears to have made several good faith efforts to remedy it. Emilio writes:

News was received the last of November that the matter of pay had come up in a new form. Governor Andrew in his message recommended the provisions of an Act which passed the Massachusetts Legislature November 16 in words as follows : ” An Act to make up the Deficiencies in the Monthly Pay of the Fifty-fourth and Fifty-fifth Regiments,” etc., and Section I. of this Act read as follows: — ” There shall be paid out of the Treasury of the Common wealth to the non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates of the Fifty-fourth and Fifty-fifth regiments of Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, to those who have been honorably dis charged from the service, and to the legal representatives of those who have died in the service, such sums of money as, added to the amounts paid them by the United States, shall render their monthly pay and allowances from the time of their being mustered into the service of the United States equal to that of the other non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates in the volunteer or regular military service of the United States.” [Emilio p. 136]

This resolution was rejected by the men of the 54th:

Upon the receipt of a copy of the Governor’s address and the Act, Colonel Hallowell, on November 23, wrote to Governor Andrew, that notwithstanding the generous action of the State authorities, the men of the Fifty-fourth had enlisted as other soldiers from Massachusetts, and that they would serve without pay until mustered out, rather than accept from the United States less than the amount paid other soldiers. Enlisted men were not less prompt to write to their friends expressing their disapprobation. Theodore Tilton, in a communication to the Boston ” Journal,” dated New York, Dec. 12, 1863, quotes from a letter received by him “from a Massachusetts soldier in the Fifty-fourth ” : —

” A strange misapprehension exists as to the matter of pay, and it pains us deeply. We came forward at the call of Governor Andrew, in which call he distinctly told us that we were to be subsisted, clothed, paid, and treated in all respects the same as other Massachusetts soldiers. Again, on the presentation of flags to the regiment at Camp Meigs, the Governor reiterated this promise, on the strength of which we marched through Boston, holding our heads high as men and as soldiers. Nor did we grumble because we were not paid the portion of United States bounty paid to other volunteer regiments in advance. Now that we have gained some reputation, we claim the right to be heard. ” Three times have we been mustered in for pay. Twice have we swallowed the insult offered us by the United States paymaster, contenting ourselves with a simple refusal to ac knowledge ourselves different from other Massachusetts soldiers. Once, in the face of insult and intimidation such as no body of men and soldiers were ever subjected to before, we quietly refused and continued to do our duty. For four months we have been steadily working night and day under fire. And such work ! Up to our knees in mud half the time, causing the tearing and wearing out of more than the volunteer’s yearly allowance of clothing, denied time to repair and wash (what we might by that means have saved) , denied time to drill and perfect ourselves in soldierly qualities, denied the privilege of burying our dead decently. All this we ‘ve borne patiently, waiting for justice.

” Imagine our surprise and disappointment on the receipt by the last mail of the Governor’s address to the General Court, to find him making a proposition to them to pay this regiment the difference between what the United States Government offers us and what they are legally bound to pay us, which, in effect, advertises us to the world as holding out for money and not from principle, — that we sink our manhood in consideration of a few more dollars. How has this come about? What false friend has been misrepresenting us to the Governor, to make him think that our necessities outweigh our self-respect? I am sure no representation of ours ever impelled him to that action.”

To the letter Theodore Tilton added some forcible sen tences. Among other things he wrote, — ” They are not willing that the Federal Government should throw mud upon them, even though Massachusetts stands ready to wipe it off. And perhaps it is not unsoldierly in a soldier, white or black, to object to being insulted by a government which he heroically serves. The regiment whose bayonets pricked the name of Colonel Shaw into the roll of immortal honor can afford to be cheated out of their money, but not out of their manhood.”

The men were also upset that black regiments got an unequal share of manual labor assignments:

Its colored regiments were still required to perform an undue proportion of fatigue work, and but few details for grand guards came for them. After this discrimination had long been borne, General Gillmore in an order said, — ” Colored troops will not be required to perform any labor which is not shared by the white troops, but will receive in all respects the same treatment, and be allowed the same oppor tunities for drill and instruction.” Emilio p. 138

Jan. 1, 1864 was the first anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation. A celebration was organized that had a humorous aspect to it:

New Year’s Day being the first anniversary of the Eman cipation Proclamation, the non-commissioned officers ar ranged for a celebration. The men formed and proceeded to the parade-ground, where a dry-goods box covered with a rubber blanket was placed, to serve as a speaker’s stand. Chaplain Harrison offered a prayer and then intro duced the orator of the day, Sergeant Barquet of Com pany H. Barquet was in high spirits, and began with the quotation, ” What means this sea of upturned faces,” etc. The speaker had hardly warmed up to his work, when in the midst of a most impassioned harangue the dry-goods box caved in, carrying him down. Barquet, in no way disconcerted, from the wreck shouted out the appro priate but well-worn gag: “Gentlemen, I admire your principles, but **** your platform ! ” After the hilarity resulting from the discomfiture of the chief speaker had subsided, others addressed the meeting with more or less effect. In the evening the non-commissioned officers had a supper in the large tent used to cover quartermaster’s stores. Among the good things provided were baked beans and Indian pudding. [Emilio p. 144 Emilio]

The men and officers of the 54th continued to be treated with prejudice by some white Union soldiers:

During the time the Fifty-fourth had served with white troops a few officers and men manifested their dislike to the black regiment in various ways. Sometimes white sentinels would pretend not to see the approach of our officers, to avoid rendering the proper salute. Occasionally officers in charge of armed parties failed to give the marching salute to similar parties of the Fifty-fourth. [Emilio p. 146]

Towards the end of 1863, the 54th had received some replacement troops, most of whom were draftees. In January 1864, a large group of new men arrived:

There arrived from Long Island, Mass., on the 20th, some one hundred and twelve recruits for the regiment, which served to fill the ranks nearly to the maximum With a single exception they were all volunteers. By this date the Fifty-fourth was well clothed, fully equipped, and prepared for any service. [Emilio p. 147]

We now turn to the expedition that led to the Battle of Olustee. On January 29, 1864 the 54th left South Carolina and headed to Florida. Emilio explains the genesis of this expedition:

GENERAL GILLMORE had resolved upon an expedition to Florida, which General Halleck approved, but remarked that such movements had little effect upon the progress of our arms. President Lincoln also desired to make Florida a loyal State. Gillmore’s purposes were to secure an outlet for cotton, lumber, turpentine, and other products, cut off a source of the enemy’s commissary sup plies, obtain recruits for the colored regiments he was au thorized to form, and to inaugurate measures to restore Florida to her allegiance. [Emilio p. 148]

The expedition stopped at Hilton Head where the regiment received 50 additional recruits on Feb. 1. The regiment was now at full capacity and a new provisional company L was created. On Feb. 5 the 54th embarked for Florida. General Seymour was placed in command of the exposition of 7,000 men on 28 transports. [Emilio p. 151]

The expedition arrived in Jacksonville, Fla on Feb. 7. Except for a small number of cavalrymen, it was undefended. Gilmore met with Seymour in Florida on Feb. 14 and left for Hilton Head. Gilmore later said that he had instructed Seymour to stay in the Jacksonville area until fortifications had been completed. Here is Gilmore’s statement:

” I considered it well understood at the time between General Seymour and myself that no advance would be made without further instructions from me until the defences were well advanced.” [Emilio p. 151,156]

Emilio believes that Seymour’s move towards Olustee was in contravention of Gilmore’s instructions:

Disregarding his instructions, Seymour prepared to exe cute the advance which he had resolved to make, seemingly in complete ignorance of the enemy’s force. Disaster and failure were inevitable. By letter on the 17th, he informed Gillmore that he would move to the Suwanee River to destroy the railroad. His letter closed with a postscript reflecting upon all his higher officers in these words : ” Send me a general for the command of the advance troops, or I shall be in a state of constant apprehension.” On the 18th Gillmore did send him a general in the person of General Turner, his chief of staff, not for the purpose requested, but to suspend the movement, bring Seymour back to Baldwin, and deliver letters expressing his surprise at the advance. When Turner, delayed many hours by stormy weather, reached Jacksonville, Seymour was engaged with the enemy. [Emilio p. 157]

The Confederates under Finegan were at Olustee. He initially had only 2,000 men. Finegan quickly fortified his position.

The 54th was initially left behind to garrison Jacksonville, but the arrival of its sister regiment allowed it to join the advance on Olustee:

Colonel Hallowell, commanding Jacksonville, occupied the Crespo house as headquarters. The Fifty-fifth Massachusetts arrived on the 14th, and the next day relieved the Fifty-fourth from picket and provost-guard duty. Colonel Hartwell succeeded Colonel Hallowell in command of the post. Second Lieut. Thomas S. Bridgham, a brother of our assistant-surgeon, first joined at Jacksonville. With Companies A, B, G, and H, at 8 a. M., February 18, Colonel Hallowell set out from Jacksonville for Baldwin. A march of some eighteen miles was made that day, and the next morning at 8.30 o’clock the Fifty-fourth was again reunited. Our pickets and details were relieved, rations of coffee and sugar issued, knapsacks lightened of much cloth ing, which was stored, and the regiment moved at 10 A. M., with orders to report at Barber’s. The distance of twelve miles was compassed with four halts for rest. Mile after mile of pine barren was passed through, bounding the sandy road on either side, many of the trees bearing the scarification of the axe made to secure the resinous sap. But few habitations were encountered, and those seen were small log or slab huts, in cleared spaces, whose only touch of beauty were the apple and peach trees in blossom. Emilio p. 158

Here is Emilio’s description of the morning of the battle:

Reveille sounded at 5 A. M. on the eventful Feb. 20, 1864, and at seven o’clock the troops began to move, — the Light Brigade in advance, followed by Hawley’s, then Barton’s, the Artillery, and Montgomery’s in rear guard ing the train. Just before the Fifty-fourth started, Major Appleton was ordered to remain in command at Barber’s, with Company E on picket, covering the railroad trestle, and Company A at Barber’s house. Lieut. Lewis Reed, with thirty men, was to protect the telegraph line as the column advanced. In fine spirits, the Fifty-fourth, followed by the First North Carolina, began the march, while the men sang, ” We ‘re bound for Tallahassee in the morning.” The country was more open than that below. The road ran for long distances beside the railroad. Occasionally the forest widened out into savannas yellow with grasses and dotted with hemlock patches. From a clear sky the warm sun glistened and gleamed through the tall pines bordering the pathway. About every hour the brigade halted for a short rest. [Emilio p. 159]

This map of the Battle of Olustee is from the Atlas issued to accompany the Official Records:.

Here is Emilio’s description of the first phase of the battle:

Over the last-mentioned crossing our skirmishers advanced at about 1.30 P. M., Elder’s battery occasionally shelling the woods. The enemy’s cavalry fell back, as instructed, to their infantry, at the crossing. At that point, Brig.-Gen. A. H. Colquitt had arrived with the Sixth, Nineteenth, and Twenty-eighth Georgia, and ordering the cavalry to his flanks, threw out skirmishers and formed line of battle. Perceiving our strength, he sent for reinforcements and ammunition.

Moving through open pine woods, our advance now met firm resistance for the first time. By General Seymour’s direction, Hawley moved his brigade into line. Personally leading the Seventh New Hampshire by the flank to the right, to avoid a small pond, he ordered a deployment under fire. He supposed the noise and confusion caused his order to be misunderstood, for the Seventh scattered, and went drifting to the rear notwithstanding the efforts of Colonel Abbott, his officers, and the gallant color-bearer, Thomas H. Simington. Hamilton placed his six guns under heavy fire within one hundred and fifty yards of the enemy ; and the Eighth United States Colored Troops went into line on the left. Henry, with the Fortieth Massachusetts (mounted) and the Massachusetts Cavalry Battalion, held the flanks. Opposed to a superior force and murderous fire, the Seventh Connecticut and Eighth United States Colored Troops were, after excessive losses, forced to give ground. Hamilton, who was wounded, bravely supported the line with his guns, but was finally obliged to abandon two pieces for want of horses to bring them off. Col. Charles W. Fribley, of the Eighth United States Colored Troops, after displaying the utmost gal lantry, was mortally wounded. [Emilio pp. 160-161′

Here is Emilio’s account of the second phase of the battle:

But fresh troops were at hand, for Barton’s brigade was coming up, supported by Elder’s battery of four pieces on the right, and Langdon’s battery of six guns, with a section (two guns) of Battery C, Third Rhode Island Artillery, under Lieut. Henry Metcalf, on the left. Barton formed on the right of the road at the new position taken up by Hawley. Colquitt, however, had received reinforcements, putting the Sixth Florida Battalion and Twenty-third Georgia into line, and the First Georgia (regulars) and the Thirty-sec ond Georgia, which arrived shortly after, to prolong his left. He then advanced with the Chatham Artillery in rear of his centre, opening a destructive fire along the whole front. Finding feeble opposition on his right, he threw the Sixth Florida Battalion forward to enfilade our line. Barton now only maintained his position at a terrible cost of officers and men, and all his regimental commanders — Col. Henry Moore, Forty-seventh, Major W. B. Coan, Forty-eighth, and Colonel Sammon, One Hundred and Fifteenth New York — wounded. Colquitt’s men were out of cartridges for a time ; but supplies came, and fresh troops also, composed of a section of Guerard’s Battery, Bonaud’s Battalion, the Twenty-seventh Georgia, and Second Florida Battalion.

The enemy’s artillery too was supplemented by a heavy gun mounted on a railroad car. With these accessions to his force, Colquitt moved the Sixth and Thirty-second Georgia to flank the right of Barton’s brigade, and notwithstand ing stubborn resistance, was gradually forcing it back. General Seymour throughout these events was present on the field, exhibiting great personal gallantry. Discern ing that victory was not for him, after such grievous losses, he sent to hasten the colored brigade into action, and made disposition to retire under cover of Montgomery’s attack.

About 2.30 P. M. the colored brigade was resting, — the Fifty-fourth in the shade on the left of the road at a place .where wood had lately been felled. Musketry firing had been heard in the distance, but after a time there came the sound of cannon. ” That’s home-made thunder,” said one man. ” I don’t mind the thunder if the lightning don’t strike me ! ” was the response. Another remarked, ” I want to go home ! ” ” You ‘ll stay forever, maybe ! ” was the reply. Soon an orderly rode up at full speed, calling for the commanding officer. Colonel Hallowell sprang to his feet, and received an order for his rapid advance. In In a few moments the regiment was moving at the double- quick, urged on by the heavier sound of battle. When the pace began to tell on the men, knapsacks, blankets, and even haversacks were cast away to lighten their load. At the railroad crossing, Colonel Montgomery, who was lead ing, was met by a staff-officer from General Seymour, bring ing the order to move forward he had anticipated.

Nearing the battleground, resounding with cannon-shots and musketry, the dispiriting scene so trying to troops about to engage, of hundreds of wounded and stragglers, was encountered. All sorts of discouraging shouts met the car as the regiment speeded onward, as, ” We ‘re badly whipped ! ” ” You ‘ll all get killed.” Still farther on was part of a dis abled battery also going to the rear. But through this rift and drift of conflict the tired and panting men pressed on, and led by Sergeant Cezar of Company D, found breath to shout their battle-cry, ” Three cheers for Massachusetts and seven dollars a month ! ” As the Fifty-fourth advanced, the field hospital of the Eighth United States Colored Troops was passed, which its coming saved from the threatening enemy. Adjutant Howard relates that as he was riding over the field beside Colonel Hallowell, General Seymour rode up to that officer and told him in substance that the day was lost, and that everything depended on the Fifty-fourth. When the regiment arrived at the battle-front, it was about four o’clock, Colonel Hawley in his report thus describes the event : —

” Colonel Montgomery’s brigade had come up. The Fifty- fourth Massachusetts, Colonel Hallowell, went into action on our left, the First North Carolina on our right between us and Barton’s retiring brigade, halting and firing fiercely, with its right well forward so as to form an angle of perhaps 120° with the line of the Fifty-fourth.”

He further says, —

“About that time an aid came to say that the general wished me to fall back, as the enemy were only feinting on our right, and were preparing to flank us in force.”

This, then, was the situation as the Fifty-fourth took position : Barton retiring ; the only other infantry — the Seventh Connecticut Battalion — ordered to fall back ; and Seymour believing that the enemy were preparing to flank us on the left, where the Fifty-fourth alone were taking post. Well might Seymour think that everything depended on our regiment. Under these adverse conditions the colored brigade was to hold the enemy in check until a new line could be formed in the rear. Colonel Hallowell led his regiment by the flank into the woods on the left of the road, and forming by file into line, immediately opened fire. The Fifty-fourth had thirteen officers and 497 men in action… [Emilio pp. 161-163]

The battle continued:

About the same time the First North Carolina went into action on the right of the road. The Fifty-fourth formed in a grove of pine extending around on every side over ground nearly level. So open was the forest that the enemy’s line and colors could be seen about four hundred yards distant, with two guns in front of our right well advanced, apparently without much support. On the ex treme left front were guns covered by the railroad embank ment. A Confederate plan of the battle shows Bonaud’s battalion advanced, supported by the Nineteenth Georgia and Sixth Florida, all between the wagon-road and the railroad, while beyond the railroad to their right were two guns of Guerard’s battery and some cavalry. Only the Fifty-fourth in the latter part of the action was on our left of the wagon-road in the battle-front. Upon taking position the regiment received a steady but not severe musketry fire, with a flanking fire of shell from the artillery on our left front. The horses of the field and staff had been sent to the rear. Colonel Hallowell mounted the stump of a tree some fifty feet in rear of his centre to oversee his men and the position. After a time Companies D and B on the left were thrown back to present a better front and guard that flank. While retiring from making report of this to Colonel Hallowell, Acting Sergeant- Major Swails was wounded.

On the extreme right, Lieutenant Homans, an impetuous and brave officer, noticing the exposed position of the two pieces, sprang in front of his line, and shouting, ” Now is a good opportunity ; we ‘ll try and take those guns ! ” led his men forward ; but he was soon ordered back into line. In the centre, where Captain Bridge was prominent, our companies were enduring an increased musketry fire from front and flank. Sharpshooters were observed perched in the trees, but a few volleys brought them down. We were sustaining casualties every moment ; but most of the missiles passed overhead.

Assistant-Surgeons Bridgham and Pease brought their ambulance to the field and proceeded to establish them selves not far from the line. After some time, and a shell having fallen near by, they retired to a less exposed place. Colonel Montgomery, accompanied by his staff, was round and about the Fifty-fourth line exposing himself freely ; perceiving the strong fire coming from the direction of the railroad, he shouted, ” Fire to the left! Fire to the left!” Under such conditions after a while the men began to chafe, and exhibit a desire for aggressive action. Already Warren Moorhouse, of Company E, and another man had crept out as sharpshooters. Sergeant Stephens, of Company B, remembered distinctly that ” a little black fellow, whose name I cannot recall, would run forward beyond the line in his excitement, discharging his piece, fall back and load, and then rush out again. Our line was doing its level best. Shortly, this man I speak of fell, shot through the head.” [Emilio p. 164-166]

The men became unsettled by their passive position:

Now there occurred an episode which shows that the colored soldiers, of the Fifty-fourth at least, possessed other than passive courage. They had, as stated, endured the situation with growing impatience. Suddenly Sergeant Wilkins, with the national flag, was seen advancing, fol lowed by the men about him. They had proceeded some one hundred and fifty paces when Colonel Hallowell, realizing that the regiment without orders might follow them into a dangerous position unsupported, sent word for a return. Meanwhile in the action Captain Jewett (who had been relieved from staff duty at his own request), Lieuten ants Littlefield and Tomlinson, and many men had been wounded, and some killed. The regiment had been firing very rapidly ; for many of the men, by jarring their pieces on the ground, sent the loads home without using the ram rods. It was observed that the musketry fire of the enemy was more effective than that of their artillery. Their shells were fired too high, passing over into the trees back of the Fifty-fourth. From the heavy gun on the railroad car came reports which dominated all other battle sounds. pp. 166-167

The white regiments were pulled back:

This spirited movement into action of the colored brigade is acknowledged to have caused the enemy’s right to give way somewhat, and imperilled the guns of Captain Whea- ton’s Chatham Artillery. Under cover of its onset Sey mour withdrew his white troops to a new line some one hundred yards in the rear, — Langdon being forced to aban don three of his guns. This retirement was continued in successive lines of battle. A newspaper correspondent, writing of the action, said, ” The two colored regiments had stood in the gap and saved the army.” But the cost had been great, particularly to the First North Carolina, for it lost Lieut.-Col. Wm. N. Reed, commanding, mortally wounded ; Maj. A. Bogle, Adjt. W. C. Manning, three cap tains, and five lieutenants wounded ; one captain killed, and some two hundred and thirty enlisted men killed, wounded, or missing. Having maintained the contest for some time, it was withdrawn. [Emilio p. 167]

The 54th was not ordered back:

Every organization had retired but the Fifty-fourth, and our regiment stood alone. From the position first taken up it still held back the enemy in its front. What had occurred elsewhere was not known. Why the Fifty-fourth was left thus exposed is inexplicable. No orders were received to retire. No measures were taken for its safe withdrawal. It would seem either that the position of the regiment was forgotten, or its sacrifice considered necessary. Darkness came on early amid the tall pines. It was now about 5.30 p. M. The Fifty-fourth had lost heavily. Cor poral Peal, with the State color, was mortally wounded, and from his hands Corp. Preston Helman, of Company E, received the flag. Of the color guard Corporal Gooding, of Company C, was mortally wounded, and Corporals Glasgow of B and Palmer of K were also wounded. One other non commissioned officer was killed, and seven wounded. Only a few cartridges remained in the boxes ; more were brought, but they proved to be of the wrong calibre. [p. 167-168]

As night fell, the fighting let up:

From the sounds of battle extending behind our right, it at last became apparent that our forces had fallen back. Colonel Montgomery was with the Fifty-fourth, and seems to have determined to retire it in his bushwhacking way. This he did, as his staff-officer Captain Pope relates, by telling the men to save themselves. Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper recalls that the men informed him that Montgomery said, ” Now, men, you have done well. I love you all. Each man take care of himself.” But this plan did not please Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper, so telling Color Sergeant Wil- kins to stand fast, and securing the co-operation of officers and reliable men near at hand, he shouted, ” Rally ! ” and a line was again formed. At this time Colonel Hallowell with others became sepa rated from the main portion. Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper, thus in command, briefly addressed the men, ordered bayo nets fixed, and exercised the regiment in the manual of arms to bring it completely under control. Lieutenant Loveridge of Montgomery’s staff at Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper’s request rode out to the right, and returning, while doing so, the mule, taking matters into its own hands, kicked up its heels and broke through the line, strewing the path with pots, kettles, and pans, tipped out of the overturned baskets. This caused great merriment; and “Let the mule go!” became a saying in the regiment. From the general field hospital, established behind a small stream, Seymour made his final retirement. Some forty men severely wounded were left in charge of Assistant- Surgeon Devendorf, Forty-eighth New York, there ; and at Sanderson some twenty-three more remained. Moving toward Sanderson, the narrow road was choked with a flowing torrent of soldiers on foot, wounded and unwounded, vehicles of every description laden with wrecks of men, while amid the throng rode others, many of whom roughly forced their jaded animals through the crowd. In this throng generous and self-sacrificing men were seen helping along disabled comrades, and some shaking forms with bandaged heads or limbs, still carrying their trusty muskets. About the sides of the road exhausted or bleeding men were lying, unable to proceed, resigned, or thoughtless of inevitable captivity. [Emilio pp. 168-170]

Emilio describes the retreat of the 54th after the battle. Finegan apparently tried to organize a pursuit, but his cavalry failed to press the retreating Union force :

Forming part of the covering column, the Fifty-fourth made the night-march over the littered road until at 2 a. m. the bivouac fires of the Fifty-fifth at Barber’s were reached. Then the regiment, worn out with the enervating events of the day, and the march of thirty-two miles since the pre ceding morning, went to rest on the ground previously occupied. Soon, however, Companies A and E were detailed for picket across the St. Mary’s, — the former on the line, and the latter occupying a block house. Pickets from the Fifty-fifth were also put out. An attack was of course expected ; but notwithstanding the probable danger, it was difficult for the officers to keep their exhausted men awake. But the night passed without alarm of any kind. Through out those hours the wounded and stragglers kept coming in. Barber’s house and outbuildings were used to shelter the wounded, while others were taken to or gathered about the large fires Colonel Hartwell caused to be made. Assistant- Surgeon Bridgham sheltered the wounded of the Fifty- fourth in an old house, and never ceased to care for them till morning. p. 171-172

During the retreat, the men of the 54th dragged a supply train whose engine had been disabled over the tracks to safety. The men made it safely back to Jacksonville, which was reinforced in expectation of a Confederate attack.

After Olustee, there was renewed agitation about the unequal pay and the refusal of the men to accept less than what they were promised:

False rumors of Congressional action in behalf of the men came, but to be soon contradicted. By every mail they received letters setting forth the sufferings of their families. The officers, jealous of the good name and behavior of the regiment, were in fear of some overt act such as had occurred in other regiments, where colored soldiers had refused duty and suffered punishment. At this time an officer of the Fifty-fourth wrote, —” Sometimes we almost despair about our men in the matter of pay and proper recognition. We cannot but think it needs only to be thoroughly understood — tins’ case of ours — to have justice done us. . . . These men were enlisted either legally under the Act of July, 1861, and they should then be paid as soldiers, or illegally, and then they should be mustered out of the service. . . . Think of what the men do and suffer ; think of their starving families. There is Sergeant Swails, a man who has fairly won promotion on the field of battle. While he was doing the work of government in the field, his wife and children were placed in the poorhouse.”In a letter to Hon. Wm. Whiting, Solicitor of the War Department at Washington, Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper wrote, —” The question whether the men of the Fifty- fourth were legally enlisted into the service of the United States is about to be put before a court-martial here, — that is, a man of the regi ment is to be tried by a court-martial for a military offence, and he will put in a plea in bar of trial, on the ground that he is not amenable to a court-martial because he is not a soldier ; that he is not a soldier because he was illegally enlisted, — hence he is no soldier.”Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper then recited the Act of July 22, 1861, saying that its provisions were read to the man and subscribed to by him. But the Government instructed its agents that it could only pay the Fifty-fourth (to which this man belonged) according to the provision of the Act of July 17, 1862. He asked assistance in solving the ques tion in behalf of his men, and further asked for a decision from Judge Holt bearing upon the point at issue. [Emilio p. 179-180]

Emilio reports on the debate in Congress in which some Congressmen advocated equalizing pay, but only prospectively:

Advices from the North informed us of the efforts of the Massachusetts Congressmen in Washington to equalize the pay of colored and white troops. The first bill offered by Senator Wilson was not retrospective, and received the opposition it merited in Congress and by the press. To remedy this defect the senator reported a joint resolution on February 3, which, variously amended, came up until March 2, when it was returned to committee. Senator Fessenden, of Maine, led the opposition. The key-note of his remarks in debate was : ” What propriety is there in our going back and paying them for services already ren dered ? “

The Maine senator’s course received the merited scorn of Wendell Phillips at a meeting of the Antislavery Society. He said, —

” Senator Fessenden was the son of one of the first Aboli tionists of that State, the ablest debater in the Senate, the leader of that body. Governor Andrew’s proclamation was published in one hundred papers of the United States calling colored men to arms for Massachusetts. The War Department knew of it. It was a government contract. The Government, accepting these men, accepted the contract. Wilson said to Fessenden, ‘ Will you fulfil it? ‘ This pettifogger, representing the State of Maine, replied, ‘ I would like to see Governor Andrew’s written authority ! ‘ “ [Emilio p. 180-181]

Congress moved slowly to redress the discrimination:

Mr. Wilson on March 2 reported a new bill equalizing soldiers’ pay. By one section colored soldiers were given the same pay as whites from Jan. 1, 1864 ; another section gave the same bounties to colored as to white volunteers in the loyal States, enlisted under the Act of October, I 863 ; and still a third gave the same pay to colored sol diers as other volunteers from muster- in, if so pledged to them by authority of the War Department, the Secretary of War to determine the question of fact. This bill passed the Senate March 10, and went to the House. There was still to be the struggle amending the Army Appropriation Bill, that the provisions of the Equalizing Bill could be carried out, if agreed upon by the House. Copies of Mr. Wilson’s bill were received by Colonel Hallowell soon after its presentation; and it was ordered read to the enlisted men of every company of the Fifty-fourth, which was done. In Massachusetts the friends of the regiment were, through the committee, doing much to aid the distressed families within their reach, by contributions of money and clothing. Those in other States were numerous, and the story of their sufferings would fill a volume. [Emilio: p. 181]

As the regiment sat on Morris Island morale deteriorated over the issue of the nonpayment of wages. Emilio writes:

For some time a very few men of the Fifty-fourth had manifested sullenness and an indisposition to promptly obey orders, justifying their actions to themselves and others on the ground of non-payment. Advices from the North regarding Congressional action were surely discour aging. Mr. Wilson, on April 22, had moved to add the Equalizing to the Appropriation Bill, which was finally agreed to by the Senate ; but the House amended it as to the amount of bounty and the clause authorizing the Secre tary of War to allow full pay to those colored soldiers who had been promised it. In place, the House inserted a pro vision allowing full pay only to free persons of color who were enlisted. This the Senate refused to agree with on May 3. Two conference committees were appointed, but the House rejected their reports. Colonel Hallowell used every means to secure the just claims of the men by letters to their friends. His frequent applications for leave of absence upon this business had not been granted. When informed of the threatening disposition of the few men referred to, he visited each post, addressed the companies, explaining the causes of delay, and counselling patience still longer; but he warned the disaffected that orders must be obeyed, and set forth the sure penalty of disobe dience. His words were disregarded in but two instances. On May 12, a private of Company B, for refusing duty, was slightly wounded by a pistol-shot from an officer ; and on the 21st another man (of Company H) was shot at and slightly wounded by an officer for a similar offence. This summary punishment inflicted was effective in its results to the command. Colonel Hallowell on June 4 informed Governor Andrew that the regiment had not been paid, and requested that he demand of the Secretary of War that the Fifty-fourth be paid or sent to Massachusetts for muster-out, as the contract was broken. Emilio pp. 190-191

On June 6, Colonel Hallowell left Morris Island to press the claims by the regiment to equal pay. In July the 54th was again reminded of the prejudices against them:

Another example of dislike to colored troops took place on the 15th. Lieut. John S. Marcy, Fifty-second Pennsylvania, when directed to join the Fifty-fourth detail for duty at the Left Batteries, with some of his men, the whole force to be under one of our officers, refused to do so, saying, ” I will not do duty with colored troops.” He was arrested and court-martialled, and, by General Foster’s order, dishonorably dismissed. Colonel Hallowell returned on the 16th, bringing assurances that the men would soon be paid. With him came as visitors Mr. and Mrs. Lewis, relatives of Quartermaster Ritchie. [Emilio p. 218]

Only those men who had not been slaves on April 19, 1861 were eligible for full pay. The commander of the 54th came up with a unique oath so that all of his men could swear that they “owed no man unrequited labor.”

August 29, Sergeant Cross and a few men of the Fifty- fourth returned from Beaufort, where they had received full pay from enlistment in accordance with the foregoing regulations. Colonel Hallowell made the first effective muster for pay of the regiment on the 31st. As no particular form of oath had been prescribed, he administered the following : — ” You do solemnly swear that you owed no man unrequited labor on or before the 19th day of April, 1861. So help you God.”

This form had been the subject of much thought, and was known in the regiment as the ” Quaker Oath.” Some of our men were held as slaves April 19, 1861, but they took the oath as freemen, by God’s higher law, if not by their country’s. A more pitiful story of broken faith, with attendant want and misery upon dependent ones, than this deprivation of pay for many months cannot be told. If ever men were seemingly driven to desperation and overt acts, they were. How they bore it all, daily exposing their lives for the cause and the flag they loved, has been feebly told. That they were compelled to take this or any oath at the last was an insult crowning the injury. [Emilio pp 220-221]

In retaliation for the use of captured Union soldiers by the Confederates as human shields, Confederate prisoners were put to the same dangerous use.

Emilio describes the Confederate officers who were to be used as human shields:

This body of five hundred and sixty officers thus placed in our charge was a singular-looking set of soldiers. There were among them tall, lank mountaineers, some typical Southerners of the books, — dark, long-haired, and fierce of aspect, — and a lesser number of city men of jauntier appearance. The major part were common-looking, evidently of the poorer class of Southerners, with a sprinkling of foreigners, — principally Germans and Irish. Hardly any two were dressed alike. There were suits of blue jeans, homespuns, of butternut, and a few in costumes of gray more or less trimmed. Upon their heads were all sorts of coverings, — straw and slouch hats, and forage caps of gray, blue, or red, decorated with braid. Cavalry boots, shoes, and bootees in all stages of wear were on their feet. Their effects were wrapped in rubber sheets, pieces of car pet, or parts of quilts and comforts. Some had hand-sacks of ancient make. Haversacks of waterproof cloth or cotton hung from their shoulders. Their physical condition was good ; but they made a poor showing for chosen leaders of the enemy. It did seem that men of their evident mental and intellectual calibre — with some exceptions — might be supporters of any cause, however wild or hopeless. They were of all grades, from colonels down in rank. [Emilio p. 222-223]

More on the difficult situation of the Confederate officers:

Three times a day the roll was called by the wardens, and every man accounted for to the officer of the day. Policing of the streets was done by the prisoners. Sick call was attended to by a surgeon, who removed the severe cases to hospitals outside. Barrel-sinks were provided and cared for by the prisoners. At night the camp and vicinity were made bright as moonlight by means of a calcium light on Wagner’s parapet. Oil lanterns were also used inside the stockade when required. After taps sounded, no light was allowed the prisoners, and they were not permitted to enter the streets except to go to the barrel-sinks. Dur ing the day they had free range of the camp ; but groups of more than ten prisoners were warned to disperse under penalty of being fired upon if the order was disregarded. Our charges were allowed to purchase writing materials, pipes, tobacco, and necessary clothing. Letters could be sent after inspection. Their rations were cooked by men of the guard. The nearness of the enemy necessitated the utmost vigilance. It was a tempting opportunity for some bold rescue, and a boat attack was not improbable. At first there was thought to be some danger from stray shells, as Cumming’s Point was the focus of the enemy’s fire. But as time passed, this seeming danger to friend and foe was not realized. Everything was done to care for and protect these unfor tunate officers whom the fortunes of war placed in our hands, except in two particulars, — they were kept in a place within reach of the enemy’s fire, and their rations were reduced to conform in quantity to those furnished our officers in Charleston, at first to one half the army ration, and after some time still less. Food and cooking was the same otherwise as furnished the Fifty-fourth. Of these inflictions in retaliation the enemy was duly informed as the result of their own uncivilized acts, which would be discontinued whenever they ceased to practice the same. pp.221-225

Emilio tells of the joyous day when the men of the 54th finally got the equal pay for equal rights that they had struggled for:

September 28 [1864] was a red-letter day for the Fifty-fourth. Paymaster Lockwood, on that date and the 29th, paid the men from enlistment. They were wild with joy that their only trouble was over. An officer wrote : —

” We had been eighteen months waiting, and the kaleidoscope was turned, — nine hundred men received their money ; nine hundred stories rested on the faces of those men, as they passed in at one door and out of the other. Wagner stared Readville in the face ! There was use in waiting ! Two days have changed the face of things, and now a petty carnival prevails. The fiddle and other music long neglected enlivens the tents day and night. Songs burst out everywhere ; dancing is incessant ; boisterous shouts are heard, mimicry, burlesque, and carnival ; pompous salutations are heard on all sides. Here a crowd and a preacher ; there a crowd and two boxers ; yon der, feasting and jubilee. In brief, they have awakened ‘ the pert and nimble spirit of mirth, and turned melancholy forth to funerals.’ “

It required $170,000 to pay the Fifty-fourth. Over 153,000 was sent home by Adams’ Express ; and the sum ultimately forwarded reached $100,000. (Emilio 227-228)

In October the men of the 54th contributed to a fund for a monument to Col. Shaw:

For some time the freedmen had been contributing to a Shaw monument fund to which the Fifty-fourth added liberally. The following letters relate thereto : —

Headquarters Fifty-fourth Mass. Vols., Morris Island, S. C, Oct. 7, 1864. Brio.-Gen. R. Saxton. Dear General, —

In behalf of the enlisted men of the Fifty- fourth Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, I respectfully request you to receive the enclosed sum of money to be added to the sum subscribed by the freedmen of the Department for the purpose of erecting a monument to the memory of Col. Robert G. Shaw and those who died with him. Thanking you for the interest you have always manifested in the cause which is so dear to us, and for the trouble you have taken to do honor to those who so nobly died in its support, I have the honor to be, General, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

E. N. Hallowell, Colonel Commanding Regiment. [Emilio p. 228-229]

Here was the response:

Headquarters U. S. Forces, District of Beaufort, Oct 17, 1864.

My dear Colonel, —

I have received your letter of the 7th, forwarding $1,545, as a contribution from the enlisted men of your regiment to the monument soon to be erected in memory of their former colonel, Robert Gould Shaw, and those who fell with him in the assault on Fort Wagner. Please inform the donors that their generous contribution with that contributed by the freedmen in this Department makes the fund now about 83,000. It is safely invested in Massachusetts interest-bearing bonds. The glorious work which our armies in the field and patriots at home are now doing means that the day is not far distant when a granite shaft shall stand unmolested on South Carolina soil, to mark the spot where brave men died, not, as recent developments have shown, alone as soldiers, but as mar tyrs in the cause of Freedom. When for a month under my command, your brave regiment guarded so vigilantly and so soldierly six hundred Rebel officers near the spot where their colonel and comrades were massacred, it required but little faith to believe that the scales of justice were turning toward the right, and that it was time to commence the monument.

I am, Colonel, with great respect, yours sincerely,

R. Saxton,

Here is the outcome of the 54th’s fundraising drive. Really interesting because now the Shaw Monument is one of the iconic Civil War monuments:

The 54th was moved to Hilton Head:

OUR arrival with other troops at Hilton Head was in consequence of General Foster’s orders to co-operate with General Sherman in his ” march to the sea,” for the latter had telegraphed General Halleck from Kingston, Ga., November 11, — ” I would like to have Foster break the Charleston and Sa vannah Railroad about Pocotaligo about the 1st of December.” A force of some five thousand men was gathered at Port Royal and organized as the ” Coast Division,” under com mand of General Hatch. Gen. E. E. Potter’s First Brigade was composed of the Fifty-sixth, One Hundred and Twenty- seventh, One Hundred and Forty-fourth and One Hundred and Fifty-seventh New York, Twenty-fifth Ohio, Thirty- second, Thirty-fourth, and Thirty-fifth United States Colored Troops ; Col. A. S. Hartwell’s Second Brigade, of the Fifty-fourth and Fifty-fifth Massachusetts, Twenty-sixth and One Hundred and Second United States Colored Troops. Lieut.-Col. William Ames commanded the artil lery, consisting of Batteries B and F, Third New York, and Battery A, Third Rhode Island. Capt. George P. Hurlbut, Fourth Massachusetts Cavalry, had a detachment of his regiment. Admiral Dahlgren formed a naval brigade of sailors and marines with some howitzers for duty ashore under Commander George H. Preble, and ordered the gunboats ” Pawnee,” ” Mingoe,” ” Pontiac ” Sonoma,” ” Winona,” and ” Wissahickon ” to take part. [Emilio p. 237]

Emilio writes about the assemblage of the marine force:

A large fleet was ready at Port Royal, the decks of the transports crowded with troops; and the pier at Hilton Head was full of stores and men awaiting transportation. During the 28th Captain Pope’s companies were trans ferred to the steamer ” Golden Gate,” on which was Colonel Hartwell. After Companies C and E under Captain Romans were taken upon the steamer ” Fraser,” General Hatch made the ” General Hooker ” his flagship. [Emilio p. 237]

After much confusion in the fog, the little flotilla landed:

Our failure to seize the railroad on the 29th or very early the next morning was fatal to success, for the enemy took prompt and effective measures to oppose us. Their small cavalry force in the vicinity was collected ; word was sent in every direction of our landing, and that reinforce ments must arrive the next morning or the positions would be given up. General Hardee could spare no troops from Savannah, but ordered two regiments from Charleston to Grahamville. But fortune favored the enemy by the op portune arrival at Savannah at 2 a. M., November 30, of Gen. Gustavus W. Smith with a force of Georgia militia brought from Macon by a roundabout way. Governor Brown had refused to allow his State troops to serve else where than in Georgia ; but General Smith permitted himself to execute the instructions of General Hardee, and the cars holding the Georgians were shunted from the rails of the Gulf to those of the Charleston and Savannah Railroad ; the leading brigade arriving at Grahamville about 8 a. w, on the 80th. With Smith’s and the local force, it was hoped to protect the railroad until the arrival of other troops later in the day. [Emilio p. 240]

Emilio describes the opening fighting at Honey Hill:

Before daybreak on November 30, the regiments of Pot ter’s brigade at the landing moved to join him, followed by Colonel Hartwell, with the Fifty-fifth Massachusetts and the remaining artillery. The Twenty-sixth and One Hun dred and Second United States Colored Troops had not arrived at that hour. At about 7 a. m. our cavalry be yond Bolan’s church reported the enemy advancing down the Grahamville road. General Hatch moved his column at 7.30 a. M., preceded by the One Hundred and Twenty- seventh New York, skirmishing. For half a mile the road was bounded by dense woods, then a cotton-field, beyond which were thick woods reaching to a creek crossed by a causeway. Across this field our skirmishers at 8.15 a. m. met the enemy’s light troops, who retired slowly. Our advance had crossed the field, when, at 8.30 a.m., the first cannon-shot was heard, coming from the enemy. General Hatch formed line of battle, and Lieut. E. A. Wildt’s section, Battery B, Third New York, shelled the Confederates. Then our skirmishers entered the woods, and Col. George W. Baird’s Thirty-second United States Colored Troops, moving along the causeway by the flank at the double-quick, through a severe fire which wounded Lieut.-Col. Edward C. Geary and killed or wounded a num ber of men, cleared the head of the causeway. Before this retirement the enemy set fire to the dead grass and stubble of an old field beyond the swamp which delayed our pro gress as intended, and they continued to annoy our ad vance with occasional shots. Over part of the way still farther onward the troops were confined to the narrow road in column by woods and swamps, while the skir mishers and flankers struggled through vines and under brush. At a point where the road turned to the left, Colcock made his last stand before seeking his works at Honey Hill ; and in the artillery firing that ensued the brave Lieutenant Wildt received a mortal wound. General Smith was in position, protected by the earth works at Honey Hill. In his front was a swamp thick with underbrush and grass, through which flowed a sluggish stream. This stream was about one hundred and fifty yards in front of the earthwork, and was crossed by a bridge, the planks of which were torn up. Bushes and trees covered the slight elevation occupied by the enemy. Their left reached into pine lands ; the right along a fence skirting the swamp. The enemy’s position and the bridge were concealed from our troops, coming up the road to the turn, by a point of woods. Just before the turn was reached, as one came from Bolan’s church, a wood-road ran from the main road to the right, with an old dam between it and the creek. [Emilio p. 242]

At Honey Hill, the Confederates were seriously outnumbered by roughly 3 to 1. Emilio writes:

General Smith’s force engaged in the battle is given as about fourteen hundred effectives, and consisted of the First Brigade of Georgia Militia, the State Line Brigade of Georgia, Thirty-second and Forty-seventh Georgia Volun teers, Athens Battalion, Augusta Battalion, detachments from four companies Third South Carolina Cavalry, and two guns each of the Beaufort Artillery and De Pass’s Bat tery, and three guns of the Lafayette Artillery. It is be lieved, however, that this force exceeded the total as given. General Smith posted his main body at the earthwork sup porting the guns in position, a heavy line of skirmishers on either flank and a small reserve, giving Colonel Colcock the executive command.

The Union troops numbered approximately 5,000. [Emilio p. 242]

Emilio continues the account of the battle:

Colonel Hartwell, commanding the Second Brigade, with eight companies of the Fifty-fifth Massachusetts under Lieut.-Col. Charles B. Fox, hearing volley firing breaking the pervading stillness, moved rapidly to the front. There the leaders filing along the wood-road, three companies became separated from the regiment when Colonel Hart- well ordered a charge in double column. Twice forced to fall back by the enemy’s fire, their brave colonel giving the command, ” Follow your colors ! ” and himself leading on horseback, the Fifty-fifth turned the bend, rushed up the road, and in the face of a deadly fire advanced to the creek. But it was fruitless, for the pitiless shot and shell so decimated the ranks that the survivors retired after losing over one hundred men in five minutes, including Color Sergeant King, killed, and Sergeant-Major Trotter, Sergeant Shorter, and Sergeant Mitchell, wounded. Colonel Hartwell, wounded and pinned to the ground by his dead horse, was rescued and dragged to the wood by the gallant Lieut. Thomas F. Ellsworth of his regiment. Captains Crane and Boynton were both killed after displaying fear less gallantry. The One Hundred and Twenty-seventh New York supported this charge by an advance, but after the repulse retired also. On the right the Twenty-fifth Ohio and Thirty-second United States Colored Troops, swinging to the left, moved from the wood-road, forcing the enemy’s left back to their works, but being met by a murderous fire, were brought to a stand, sustaining their position with great tenacity under severe losses for a con siderable time. To this line the Battalion of Marines from the Naval Brigade was brought up later, forming on the right of the Thirty-second ; and the three companies of the Fifty-fifth Massachusetts under Maj. William Nutt, which had separated from their regiment, formed to the left of the Twenty-fifth, while the One Hundred and Forty-fourth New York remained in support.[Emilio p. 243-244]

Emilio looks at the role of the 54th in the battle:

It was 5 A. M. when reveille sounded for the Fifty-fourth, and two hours after, the regiment moved from bivouac. It was the rear-guard, and was directed to secure the communications for the division. The regiment marched rapidly over good roads with a bright sun overhead, making the morning hours delightful. Not a hostile sound reached their ears as the men moved at route step, with only the tinkle, tinkle, of pans and cups striking the bayonets, for music. After marching about two and a half miles, we came to the Coosawhatchie cross-road unprotected even by a picket. Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper, deeming it imperative that this important point should be covered, detached Captain Pope with Companies C, D, G, and K to remain there until relieved. He then moved on with the other companies to Bolan’s church, where Companies A and I under Lieut. Lewis Reed were left to picket the road beyond. [Emilio p. 245]

” I saw General Hatch speak to Colonel Bennett, chief of staff, who at once rode to me and said, ‘ Follow me.’ I replied, ‘ I would like a moment to close my men up, Colonel,’ when he said in a most excited manner, ‘ General Hatch’s orders are for you to follow me.’ . . . Well, after Bennett’s remark I had only to follow, which I did. Arriving near the section of artil lery posted at the intersection of the roads, he halted, and said, ‘ Go to the rear of that battery, file to the left, and charge.’ I obeyed orders, all but charging. Arriving on the right of the battery, I looked round for the first time and found only Lieut. David Reid and eight men. How the shot tore down that hill and up the road ! I could see where the Fifty-fifth had charged, and their dead lying there. I went back, and only two men followed me.” [Emilio p. 247]

Lieutenant Reid and Corp. R. M. Foster of Company C were there killed. Captain Pope joined Colonel Beecher, Thirty-fifth United States Colored Troops, in the front battle- line, and after nearly an hour, hearing a familiar cheer on the right of the Thirty-fifth, found his companies there. Captain Homans’s account is that the four companies were following Captain Pope, when, owing to the blockaded road and the passage of a light battery at full gallop, few were able to cross the road and they lost their leader. In conse quence, the column halted, uncertain where to go. Homans took command and led to the right along the wood-road and formed on the right of the Thirty-fifth United States Colored Troops. Adjutant Howard, the colors, and guard, owing to a mistaken order, did not follow Lieutenant- Colonel Hooper’s companies, but joined the four com panies when they came up. In the position taken, Homans ordered the men to lie down. Color Sergeant Lenox, writing of that time, says, —

” We were hurried up and went into the woods on the right side of the road, and took our position near where there were, I think, three pieces of artillery. The gunners had a hard time of it. I believe two of the cannon were disabled. I saw two of the horses struck by shells, and an officer pitching out car tridges with his sword, and in a few minutes the caisson blew up. The woods were so thick in front that the movements of most of the force could not be seen. . . . Wagner always seemed to me the most terrible of our battles, but the musketry at Honey Hill was something fearful. The so-called ‘ Rebel yell ‘ was more prominent than I ever heard it.” [Emilio p. 247 to 248]

Emilio describes the lack of ammunition:

After a severe contest our right fell back to the line of the old dam. Reconnoissances made from this force to the right front found no enemy. As the afternoon wore on, the sounds of battle sometimes stilled down to scattering shots, to rise again into crashes of musketry and cannon dis charges. After a while the musket ammunition ran low ; and as the supply received was small, it was sparingly used to repel attack. It was reported to General Hatch by de serters that the enemy was receiving reinforcements by railroad; and indeed Gen. B. H. Robertson arrived with the Thirty-second Georgia, a battery, and a company of artillery. [Emilio p. 249]

Emilio p. 249-250

Meanwhile Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper with Companies E and H maintained their line unchanged on the left of the main road. During the afternoon Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper made a personal reconnoissance of the ground in front, and returning, sent two notes to General Hatch, say ing that with two regiments the enemy’s right could be flanked. His suggestion was not acted upon. Lieutenant Chipman was wounded in the left arm, and thirteen enlisted men wounded. At one time that day Colonel Beecher, Thirty-fifth United States Colored Troops, who wag wounded, came along in rear of our line acting in a dazed sort of way. Fearing he would be killed, Lieutenant- Colonel Hooper sent two men to assist him to the rear.

At about 3.40 p. M., Battery F’s section was relieved by two of the heaviest naval howitzers under Lieutenant-Corn- mander Matthews. In hauling back the army guns by hand, the One Hundred and Second United States Colored Troops lost a number of officers and men. When the naval guns began firing, the sailors worked their pieces in a lively manner on their hands and knees. The enemy’s fire slackened at 3.30 p. M. They made no serious attempt to advance at any time ; neither did we make further aggressive movement. Preparations were made for re tirement at dark by General Potter, who bore himself with conspicuous gallantry at the front throughout. He caused a reserve of two regiments supported by artil lery to be first posted half a mile in rear ; and when darkness covered the field, the retreat began and was executed by means of successive lines. One section of the naval howitzers fired until the ground was abandoned about 7.30 p. M. The retirement was effected without alarm or loss. p. 250

Emilio describes the evacuation of the wounded. Since blacks captured by the Confederates faced execution or reenslavement, it was extremely important to get them away:

When the order came for the Fifty-fourth to move, Cap tain Pope filed off, meeting Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper’s companies, which were coming into the road from the left. Our few ambulances, crowded with sufferers, had departed; and as many wounded remained, the Fifty-fourth and Fifty-fifth were broken into squads to remove them. Stretchers were improvised from muskets, shelter tents, and blankets, by which means and bodily help the Fifty-fourth alone carried one hundred and fifty wounded from the field. When we came to Bolan’s church, the whole vicinity was weirdly lighted by great fires of fence-rails and brush wood. A confused turmoil of sounds pervaded the night air, from the rumbling of artillery, the creaking wagons of the train, and the shouts of drivers urging on their ani mals. The church, cleared of seats, afforded resting-places for the wounded, whom Surgeon Briggs of the Fifty-fourth and his assistants were attending there or outside. Stores of every description were strewn about to make room in the vehicles for their further conveyance to the landing. General Potter arrived at Bolan’s church about midnight. Having disposed troops to cover it, he addressed himself to the task of further retirement, and did not cease therefrom until 3 a. m., December 1.

After moving back to the church, the Fifty-fourth took a large number of wounded onward, many men making more than one trip. Our regiment bivouacked on the ground occupied the night before. General Hatch’s front line was kept at the Coosawhatchie cross-road, where the guns were placed in position, supported by the Naval Brigade and the Thirty-fourth and Thirty-fifth United States Colored Troops. [Emilio p. 250-251]

Although Honey Hill was a defeat, Emilio tries to salvage some good from his men’s suffering:

Regarding this battle, General Potter reports of the troops : ” Nothing but the formidable character of the obstacles they encountered prevented them from achieving success.” Capt. Charles C. Soule, Fifty-fifth Massachusetts, a participator, in his admirable account of the battle in the Philadelphia ” Weekly Times,” says : ” The generalship displayed was not equal to the soldierly qualities of the troops engaged. There appears to have been a lack of foresight in the preparations.” He gives our loss, from official sources, as eighty-eight killed, six hundred and twenty-three wounded (of which one hundred and forty were slight cases), and forty-three missing: a total of seven hundred and fifty-four. Of the Fifty-fourth (with six companies engaged, numbering sixteen officers and three hundred men), the loss was one officer killed and three wounded ; and of enlisted men, one killed, thirty-five wounded, and four missing : a total of forty-four. p. 251-252

Here is a map of Honey Hill:

As 1865 dawned, Sherman’s troops neared:

By this date the troops on Devaux’s Neck were reduced by the departure of some regiments. January 3, at night, the Twenty-sixth United States Colored Troops left Graham’s for Beaufort, and the Fifty-fourth the next morning took position at the former regiment’s old camp close behind the intrenchment. With the shanties there, and boards brought from a plantation, the command found better shelter. Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper, with four officers and 125 men, reconnoitered that day toward Pocotaligo, returning at dark, having seen a few mounted men only. Sherman was now transferring his right wing from Thunderbolt to Beaufort; his left wing was ordered to Robertsville. There seemed to be some uncertainty re garding the movements of the Fifty-fourth about this time, for it was rumored at Morris Island that we were to return there, and on the 5th our horses were ordered to Hilton Head. A deserter from the Fiftieth North Carolina came in on the 10th, reporting ten regiments in our front, — making a total force of two thousand men. [Emilio p. 265]

January 14, Lieutenant-Colonel Hooper at 10 a. M., with four officers and 125 men, went out to the Stewart house, see ing but a picket of the enemy. Colonel Hallowell, about 4 p. M., with 225 men and officers of the Fifty-fourth and about the same number of the Thirty-third, marched out under instructions to find and engage any hostile force. We fully expected a fight, but at the Steuart house orders came from General Hatch postponing the attack. That evening there were cannon-shots in our front, and at De vaux’s Neck the sound of moving wagons and artillery was heard. Those of the Fifty-fourth on picket very early on the 15th were first mystified and then elated by hearing drums and fifes far to our right and front, sound ing reveille and playing national airs. Captain Emilio, in charge of the line, at once sent word to brigade headquar ters that a part of Sherman’s army was near. Colonel Hallowell, at 11 a. M., with the Fifty-fourth and Thirty-third, moved to the Steuart house, and coming to the Mackay Point and Pocotaligo road, turned into it. Captain Tucker, with Companies A, G, H, and I, preceded the column, skirmishing. It was a fine bright day, and we moved on over high rolling land on the route pursued by Gen. J. M. Brannan’s force, when, in October, 1862, he attacked the enemy at Pocotaligo. Remains of fires and the debris of picket posts were seen as we advanced. Coming near lower ground, we could see a strong line of works beyond a swamp with heavy woods in rear, the road running along the front of the low ground bordering Framton Creek. It had been fortified since Brannan’s attack, and could have been held by a small force against an army. Halting our column on the higher ground, Colonel Hallowell sent the skir mishers forward, and they soon occupied the abandoned works. Moving onward past the intrenchment, we at last gained the State road, coming in from the left. A mile and a half farther on we arrived near a bridge and Pocotaligo, where the strong works were found in possession of a division of the Seventeenth Corps ; near there we halted. The Fifty-fourth had formed a junction with Sherman’s army, the first body of Eastern troops in the field to meet the stalwart Westerners. [Emilio 265-266]

With the approach of Sherman, the Confederate lines began to withdraw:

On the morning of January 14, the larger part of the Seventeenth Corps, under Maj.-Gen. Frank Blair, crossed from Port Royal Island to the main on a pontoon bridge, and moved toward Pocotaligo, twenty-five miles from Beaufort. They encountered Colonel Colcock, our old friend of Honey Hill, at Gardner’s Corners, and drove him with loss to the works mounting twelve guns, at Pocotaligo, before which they bivouacked, intending to assault in the morning ; but the enemy under Gen. L. McLaws during the night abandoned this and all his positions along our front, and retired behind the Combahee. Thus fell a strong hold before which the troops of the Department of the South met repeated repulses. It was the most important position between Charleston and Savannah, for there, over the Pocotaligo River, was a trestle of a mile in length, crossing a swamp over which the railroad ran. This trestle the enemy attempted to destroy ; but it was only partially damaged. After resting, at 3.30 p. m. the brigade took up the return march for camp, where the regiment arrived, well tired out. At Devaux’s Neck that morning the usual pickets of the enemy in front of the railroad were not seen, and our men soon discovered that their works were abandoned ; several regiments at once occupied them. [Emilio p. 266-267]

Good news came that the regiment’s first black officer had been commissioned:

By orders from the War Department received January 17, Lieutenant Swails was permitted to muster, thus ending a struggle waged in his behalf for nearly a year by Colonel Hallowell and Governor Andrew. He was one of the earliest if not the first colored officer mustered ; and this decision, persistently solicited and finally granted, must rank high with the moral victories wrung from the general government by the regiment and its founders. [Emilio p. 268]

At the end of January:

Here we had a brief opportunity of seeing the Western troops. They were a seasoned, hardy set of men. They wore the army hat, instead of the forage-caps affected by most of our regiments. Their line-officers were generally clad in government clothes, with only shoulder-straps and swords to distinguish them. Altogether they impressed us with their individual hardiness, powers of endurance, and earnestness of purpose, and as an army, powerful, full of resources and with staying qualities unsurpassed. [Emilio p. 270]

On January 31, 1865:

Again the camp of the Fifty-fourth was changed, for on the 31st, we marched along the railroad track back to Pocotaligo. Passing around the fort there, we camped near the railroad station, on the extreme left of our line, upon ground formerly occupied by Sherman’s men. From the debris strewn about and log foundations for shelter tents, we soon made this resting-place comfortable. Brigade headquarters were located at John A. Cuthbert’s house, the mansion of a fine rice plantation previously occupied by Gen. Frank Blair. [Emilio p. 271]

A close encounter with Sherman:

There the writer first saw the famous William T. Sherman He was riding unattended upon a steady-going horse, and was instantly recognized from his portraits. His figure, tall and slender, sat the horse closely, but slightly bowed. Upon his head was a tall army hat covering a face long and thin, bristling with a closely cropped sandy beard and mustache. His bright keen eyes seemed to take in everything about at a glance. There was hardly a sign of his rank noticeable, and his apparel bore evidence of much service. He was on his way to General Hatch’s headquarters. Captain Appleton relates what occurred there. He and others of the staff were playing cards when the door opened and a middle-aged officer asked for General Hatch. Without ceasing their card-playing, the young officers informed the stranger of the general’s absence. Imagine their consternation when their visitor quietly said,” Please say to him that General Sherman called.” They started up, ashamed and apologizing, but the general softly departed as he came. The next day he took the field with the Fifteenth Corps. [Emilio p. 271]

If you have ever wondered what the day-to-day following the retreating Confederates was like:

February 7, at 8 a.m., Colonel Hallowell with the Fifty- fourth and One Hundred and Second United States Col ored Troops marched in a rain-storm over the destroyed railroad to Salkehatchie. The enemy had abandoned his extensive works on the farther side of the burned trestle- bridge there. We were joined there by two guns of the Third New York Artillery and two companies of the Fourth Massachusetts Cavalry. An advance was then made simultaneously along both the railroad and turn pike. Crossing the river, the Fifty-fourth moved on the turnpike, Captain Emilio, with Companies E, H, and I, preceding the column skirmishing. Rain was falling, and continued nearly all day, drenching us to the skin, and making the road a quagmire. Soon the enemy, supposed to be of Cobb’s Georgia Legion, was discovered in small force, mounted, with a piece of artillery. They halted on every bit of rising ground, or on the farther side of swamps, to throw up barricades of fence-rails against a rush of our cavalrymen, and delayed our advance by shelling us with their field-piece. [Emilio p. 273]

The Union forces now moved to take the major coastal cities:

ALL the strong positions along the railroad having been abandoned by the enemy, the road to Charleston was now open to the Coast Division for an advance without opposition. Colonel Hallowell, on February 15, was ordered with the Fifty-fourth, One Hundred and Twenty-seventh New York, some artillery, and a small force of cavalry to proceed to Ashepoo by way of a road above the railroad leading through Blue House. We moved at noon of a bright, warm day, the companies on picket joining the regiment as it passed. From recent rain the road was heavy with clayey mud, making marching most wearisome. There was constant delay passing through overflowed places, or while bridges were being repaired. We reached Blue House and a mile beyond at 8 p. M., making but six miles. Three bridges had been rebuilt, and two more were reported just in front. Colonel Hallowell, finding it impossible to longer pursue that route, then moved back. We were on a causeway, and in turning around, a wagon stalled and was abandoned. The Fifty-fourth secured from it one hundred and thirty pairs of trousers and three hundred pairs of shoes, free of government charges. After one of the hardest marches the Fifty-fourth ever made, we reached Salkehatchie fort at 3 a. m. on the 16th. Our advance troops were, on the 15th, at the junction of the roads to Jacksonboro and Parker’s Ferry. [Emilio p. 277]

The slave system was disintegrating as the army moved forward:

With fine weather again, on the 17th the Fifty-fourth marched at 9 a. m. toward Ashepoo, which being only eight miles distant and the road excellent, we reached at 1 P. M. There we camped near the railroad bridge on the planta tion of Col. Charles Warley. The mansion of this gentle man of wealth and prominence had been plundered by the first comers; and fine books, furniture, and household effects were strewn about, making a sad scene of wastage and pitiless destruction. Reveille was sounded by the Fifty-fourth bugles at sun rise on the 18th. Foraging parties brought in immense quantities of corn, poultry, sweet potatoes, and honey. Many of the field-hands were found on the plantations, and our coming was welcomed with joyful demonstra tions. A Dr. Dehon and his son were brought in and entertained by the brigade staff that night. Refugees and contrabands were coming into our camps in considerable numbers. [Emilio p. 278]

A slave owner finds that his slaves don’t want to stay slaves:

Dr. Dehon had been sent to General Hatch, but returned that afternoon. Lieutenant Ritchie relates the following particulars of this gentleman’s troubles : — ” While gone, his ‘ chattels ‘ had been helping themselves ana carrying furniture off by whole boat-loads. Dehon brings an order from General Hatch that his ‘ slaves ‘ shall be permitted to choose for themselves whether to go back to the plantation with him or not. Dehon got us to back this up, and as a con sequence, loses all his slaves, young and old.” p. 279

The 54th now joined in the burning:

February 22 we resumed the onward march at 9 a. m., the Fifty-fourth in rear, and passed through woods nearly the whole day, with here and there a plantation and cul tivated fields. By orders everything along the road was burned. Foraging parties brought in all kinds of provi sions which they loaded into every description of vehicle ; wagons, carts, and even antiquated family coaches were used, drawn by horses, mules, and bullocks, which, with the contrabands, made our train a curious spectacle. Some twelve miles from the Ashley River we passed an abandoned battery of three guns commanding Rantowle’s Ferry ; another was found on the right at Wallace’s. The Fifty- fourth camped at dark ten miles from Charleston. Our bivouac was a festive one, for supplies of chickens, turkeys, ducks, geese, honey, rice, meal, sheep, and beef, were in profusion. Only a few armed but ununiformed men had been seen, who, when we followed, escaped, and were thought to be guerillas. [Emilio p. 280]

Finally, the 54th was able to participate in the liberation of Charleston:

Into the war-ravaged city of Charleston, with its shat tered buildings, disrupted grass-grown streets, deserted wharves, and scuttled hulks, the Fifty-fourth entered at 9 a.m., on the 27th, having crossed the river on the steamer ” Croton.” We could not but be exultant, for by day and night, in sunshine and storm, through close combat and far-reaching cannonade, the city and its defences were the special objects of our endeavor for many months. Moving up Meeting and King streets, through the margin of the ” burnt district,” we saw all those fearful evidences of fire and shell. Many colored people were there to welcome the regiment, as the one whose prisoners were so long confined in their midst. Passing the Mills House, Charleston Hotel, and the Citadel, the Fifty-fourth proceeded over the plank road one and a half miles to the Neck, where the Confederate intrench ments extended clear across the peninsula. Turning to the right, we entered Magnolia Cemetery, through which the line of works ran, and camped along it among the graves. It was the extreme right of the fortifications, fronting Belvedere Creek. The One Hundred and Second took post on our left. Brigade headquarters were at the Cary house near by. Companies B and F, relieved in the city, re-joined the regiment that day. [Emilio p. 285]

The men of the 54th satisfied their curiosity about the captured city. Many Southerners joined the Union army:

Opportunities were given officers and men to visit the city, where they wandered about, deeply interested in sightseeing. Several Fifty-fourth officers were detailed there, and always entertained visiting associates. The most interesting building to us of the Fifty -fourth was the jail, — a brick struc ture surmounted by a tower and enclosed with a high wall, where the prisoners of the regiment were confined many months with black and white criminals as well as other Union soldiers. Of the townspeople but some ten thousand remained, largely blacks, all mainly dependent upon our bounty. The whole banking capital of Charleston was lost. A loyal edition of the ” Courier ” newspaper was being issued ; the ” Mercury ” had decamped to Cheraw. Schools were opened, and market-wharves designated. The post-office was established at the southwest corner of King and George streets, the headquarters of the commandant at the northwest cor ner of Meeting and George streets, and General Hatch, the district commander, was at No. 13 King Street. Applicants thronged the provost marshal’s office to take the oath of allegiance, and the recruiting of colored troops was going on rapidly. [Emilio p. 285-286]

The regiment moved by ship to Savannah, which had been captured earlier by Sherman:

Savannah was a most attractive city, with wide, shaded streets, numerous parks, and many good buildings, and elegant residences. All the approaches to it had been well fortified by the enemy, for there were heavy works on the river and a line of fortifications from the Savannah to the Little Ogeechee River. Beyond, facing this land defence, were the works thrown up by the besiegers. On every side were the deserted camps of Sherman’s and Har dee’s armies, marked by debris, rough shanties, cleared spaces, and approaching roads. When captured, the popu lation was estimated as twenty thousand, of whom thou sands were supported upon army supplies or those sent from the generous North by ship-loads. The most attrac tive spot was the beautiful cemetery of Bonaventure, with its majestic live-oaks and wooded paths. Savannah had fallen by siege in every war ; to the British in 1788 and 1812, and to the Federal troops in 1864. [Emilio p. 287]

Although the war was clearly ending by late March, there was still fighting to be done:

It seemed that the government, having paid ub once in the two years’ service, was allowing that to suffice, for six months’ pay was due at this time. The officers were penni less, and had to send North for money or borrow it to subsist upon. Sherman’s victorious progress, Sheridan’s brilliant successes, Lee’s inability to hold back Grant, and the whole seaboard fallen, made it manifest that the war was virtually over. The Fifty-fourth then expected but a brief period of garrison duty, followed by a homeward voyage, without again hearing a hostile shot; but a new field of service was before them, for after a review of the troops on the 25th by General Grover at ” The Plain,” orders came for the Fifty-fourth and One Hundred and Second United States Colored Troops to proceed to Georgetown, S. C. [Emilio p. 288]

The 54th was to join Potter’s Raid:

Between Florence and Sumterville was a vast amount of rolling- t stock thus hemmed in. Sherman, considering that this should be destroyed before the roads could be repaired, and that the food supplies in that section should be exhausted, wrote General Gillmore from Fayetteville, N. C, directing him to execute this work. He suggested that Gillmore’s force be twenty-five hundred men, lightly equipped, to move from Georgetown or the Santee Bridge, that the troops be taken from Charleston or Savannah, and added, — ” I don’t feel disposed to be over-generous, and should not hesitate to burn Charleston, Savannah, and Wilmington, or either of them, if the garrisons were needed. . . . Those cars and locomotives should be destroyed if to do it costs you five hundred men.” These instructions caused the concentration of a selected force at Georgetown, of which the Fifty-fourth formed a part. The resultant movement, called ” Potter’s Raid,” during which almost the last encounters of the Rebellion occurred, is little known, as it took place when momentous military events were taking place elsewhere. [Emilio p. 290]

On April 9, the raid moved towards completion, meeting little resistance:

Sumterville, on the Manchester and Wilmington Railroad, boasted some good dwellings, two female seminaries, and the usual public buildings. Here the soldier-printers issued a loyal edition of the ” Sumter Watchman.” Every one was in fine spirits at having gained the railroad without serious opposition, for the rolling-stock was known to be below on the Camden Branch. Another cause of exultation was the news that Richmond, Mobile, and Selma were in our hands, in honor of which a salute of thirteen shots was fired from the captured guns. During the 10th, the Thirty-Second United States Colored Troops moved along the railroad to Maysville, where some seven cars and a bridge were destroyed. The One Hundred and Second United States Colored Troops went at the same time toward Manchester about three miles, burning a long cov ered railroad-bridge, four cars, two hundred bales of cotton, a gin-house, and a miH*filled with corn. Our regiment, from its bivouac in the town, sent details which destroyed three locomotives, fifteen cars, and the large and thor oughly equipped railroad machine-shop in the place. [Emilio p. 295]

The raid moved swiftly through Confederate territory in April 1865. A few hundred Confederate dead-enders tried to oppose the superior Union force, but rarely did the Unionists lose more than one or two men in these encounters.

General Potter devoted the 20th to its destruction. That day the Fifty-fourth marched to Middleton Depot and with other regiments assisted in the work. About this place for a distance of some two miles were sixteen locomotives and 245 cars containing railway supplies, ordnance, commissary and quartermaster’s stores. They were burned, those holding powder and shells during several hours blowing up with deafening explosions and scattering discharges, until prop erty of immense value and quantity disappeared in smoke and flame. Locomotives were rendered useless before the torch was applied. The Fifty-fourth alone destroyed fifteen locomotives, one passenger, two box and two platform cars with the railway supplies they held. After completing this work, the regiment returned to Singleton’s. [Emilio p. 306]

On April 21 the 54th moved to the Manning Plantation:

John L. Manning, a former governor of South Carolina, was at home. He was a distinguished man and one of the leaders of the Union party in nullification times. After the war he was elected United States Senator, but was not allowed to take his seat. He died only recently. While we were at his plantation, a Confederate officer came to the outposts with a flag of truce, to notify General Potter that an armistice had been concluded between Generals Sherman and Johnston. Hostilities were not to be renewed without forty-eight hours’ notice. This great news created the most intense joy and excitement, for it seemed to end the war, as the Rebels themselves acknowledged. Cheers without number were given, and congratulations exchanged. Then the Fifty-fourth was brought to a field, where the last shots loaded with hostile intent were fired as a salute. Soon after, the march was resumed in sultry weather with frequent showers. Ten miles from the Santee the division bivouacked after completing a journey of twenty miles. [Emilio p. 307]

On April 22, the 54th got news that Lee had surrendered. Emilio said that the news was not unexpected.

At 5.30 a. m” on the 23d, the Second Brigade led out for the day’s march. Now that hostilities had ceased, the force was dependent upon such supplies as could be purchased. A very large number of contrabands were with the column, straggling, and obstructing the rapid progress it was desirable to make. The day was cool and pleasant ; the route through a fine country mainly, but wooded and low in places. Intelligence of President Lincoln’s assassination was received, — sad tidings which could hardly be credited. There was much bitter feeling indulged in by the soldiery for a time. The division accomplished twenty-three miles that day, bivouacking at Stagget’s Mill. [Emilio p. 208]

Potter’s Raid is almost completely forgotten today, but Emilio provides a recounting:

Potter’s Raid occupied twenty-one days, during which the troops marched some three hundred miles. About three thousand negroes came into Georgetown with the division, while the whole number released was estimated at six thousand. Our train was very large, for besides innumerable vehicles, five hundred horses and mules were secured, of which number the Fifty-fourth turned in one hundred and sixty. [Emilio p. 308-309]

In the weeks immediately after the cessation of hostilities the 54th was part of the force occupying Charleston:

Quartered in the Citadel, the Fifty-fourth entered upon the usual duties incident to guard and patrol service in the Upper District of the city. The event of each morning was guard mounting on Citadel Square, which always at tracted numbers of colored people, young and old, to wit ness the evolution, and listen to the martial music. It was agreeable service for all. When off duty officers had the range of the city and its attractions. The men were al lowed frequent passes outside the spacious Citadel grounds, making friends with the colored people, which in some cases resulted in a partnership for life. [Emilio p. 312]

The situation of post-war Charleston was dangerous for the black refugees who settled there:

Charleston at this time was slowly recovering from the effects of war and the siege. There was a growing trade in merchantable articles. The churches were turned over to their several congregations. The negroes who flocked in from the country greatly increased the population. This soon resulted in a heavy death-rate among this class, which at one time reached one hundred per week. Whites and blacks were closely watching the political develop ments, causing much friction. Dr. Mackey was the Col lector of the Port, and Mr. Sawyer Inspector of Internal Revenue. Some arrests of prominent Secessionists were made, — notably that of George A. Trenholm, the Confed erate Secretary of the Treasury. Prominent citizens were returning. Among them were Theodore D. Wagner, J. B. Campbell, James H. Taylor, William Gregg, Motte A. Prin- gle, and Judge William Pringle. General Hatch was oc cupying the fine mansion of the latter gentleman, situated on King Street, as his headquarters. Some cotton was coming in, and more was expected as soon as the railroads were repaired. Vegetables and fruits were becoming abundant in the markets. Beef, mutton, and veal were ruling at thirty cents per pound. Shipments were made North from the large stores of rice in the city. From the paroled armies of the defunct Confederacy came large num bers of soldiers in dilapidated garments and emaciated physical condition. They flocked to take the oath of alle giance and receive the bounty of government. Such was their destitution that they were glad to share the rations of our colored soldiers in some instances. President John son’s Amnesty Proclamation, when received, was variously regarded, according to the status of the critic as a Seces sionist Radical or Conservative. [Emilio pp. 312-313]

As you might imagine, the 4th of July was joyously celebrated in newly free Charleston:

Independence Day was celebrated with great enthusiasm by the loyal citizens and soldiery. National salutes were fired from Sumter, Moultrie, Bee, Wagner, and Gregg, the harbor resounding with explosions, bringing to memory the days of siege. The troops paraded, the Declaration of In dependence and the Emancipation Proclamation were read, and orators gave expression to patriotic sentiments doubly pointed by the great war which perfected the work of the fathers. [Emilio p. 314]

Mustering Out the Regiment

Finally, the order came for the 54th to muster-out of the service:

On July 11 orders were received for the discharge of the Fifty-fourth. They ema nated from General Gillmore, who afterward, finding that his authority was questionable, telegraphed to Washington for instructions. Meanwhile Capt. Thomas J. Robinson, Fifty-fourth New York, mustering officer, furnished neces sary instructions for preparing the rolls. Naturally this order gave great satisfaction. At one time it was thought that the colored regiments would be retained until the ex piration of their term of service. [Emilio p. 314]

Emilio describes many of the steps involved in Mustering Out the regiment. Here is a little bit of what he writes:

About two thirds of the men exercised the privilege of purchasing their arms, as mementos of service in the war. On September 1 final payment was made, accounts settled, and discharges given out. A telegram from Charleston of the departure of the regiment was sent to the Adjutant-General of Massachusetts. Upon its receipt the friends of the officers and men ar ranged for their proper reception in Boston. The news papers made announcement of the event, indicated the route, and requested the display of the national colors and that refreshments be served on the march. [Emilio PP. 317-318]

The return of the 54th to Boston:

September 2, the Fifty-fourth at 9 a. m. landed at Commercial Wharf from the tugs ” Uncle Sam,” ” William H. Stroud,” and another. There it was received by the Fourteenth Unattached Company Massachusetts Volunteer Militia (Shaw Guards, colored), Capt. Lewis Gaul ; the Hallowell Union Association, A. M. Hewlett, marshal ; a delegation from the Rev. William Grimes’s Twelfth Baptist Society ; and many citizens, accompanied by Gilmore’s Band, — all under direction of J. J. Smith, chief marshal. The Boston Brigade Band was also provided for the Fifty- fourth. [Emilio p. 318]

The parade home:

After the regiment had landed and passed the escort, the column moved from Commercial to State Street. This thoroughfare was thronged with people, who greeted the veterans with repeated cheers. Great enthusiasm was displayed ; and the passing of the colors was especially honored. As the Fifty-fourth moved through Washington, Franklin, Devonshire, Summer, and Winter streets, similar plaudits greeted it from every side. Entering Tremont Street from Winter, an incident of the occasion was the display in the window of Childs and Jenks’s establish ment of a portrait of Lieutenant Webster, deceased, of the Fifty-fourth, draped in mourning. In passing, appropriate music was played, and the regiment gave a march ing salute in honor of the deceased comrade. From Tremont Street the column entered Park, thence to the State House, where from the steps Governor Andrew, accompanied by his staff and the Executive Council, re viewed the veterans as they passed. Proceeding down Beacon Street through Joy, Cambridge, West Cedar, Mount Vernon, Walnut, and Beacon to the Common, everywhere along the route cheers went up from admirers, and friends rushed to shake hands with relatives or acquaintances among the officers and men. Everywhere along the jour ney the public buildings, including the State House, and parks of the city floated the stars and stripes. Through the throng of citizens lining the curb, the Fifty-fourth marched, welcomed at every step, with the swing only acquired by long service in the field, and the bearing of seasoned soldiers. [Emilio p. 319]

The regiment marched to Boston Common:

Arriving upon the Common, the regiment halted. In the presence of a very large assemblage, including Mayor Lincoln, Colonel Kurtz, chief of police, Hon. Henry Wilson, and other gentlemen of prominence, the regiment was exercised for a few moments in the manual of arms. Form ing from line into a hollow square, Brevet Brigadier-General Hallowell called his officers around him, thanked them for the efficient and manly way they had performed their service, their uniform kindness to him, and tendered his best wishes for their success and happiness through life. He then addressed the enlisted men, thanking them for the brave manner in which they had supported him in many trying times throughout their service. He said whenever a ” forlorn hope ” had been called for, the Fifty-fourth had been ready and prompt to respond. They had protected their colors and brought them home again, — there was little left of them, but enough to show how bravely they had been defended. They had proved good soldiers in the field ; now he hoped they would become good citizens. When they left Massachusetts, it was the only State which recognized them as citizens. Now the whole country acknowledged their soldierly qualities. He hoped that by good behavior they would show their title to all the privileges of citizenship. pp. 319-320

The New Bedford Company was given special honors in the city of its organization:

Company C, recruited largely in New Bedford, was escorted to the cars by the Shaw Guards. At New Bed ford, when the company arrived, a large number of citizens, a reception committee, and the Carney Guards (colored), with the New Bedford Band, were in waiting. With the escort, the veterans, some twenty-two in number, passed through crowded streets to the City Hall. There a meeting was held in their honor, which was called to order by W. H. Johnson, at which speeches were made by Henry F. Harrison and James B. Congdon. Afterward a colla tion was provided by the colored people for the company. [Emilio pp. 320-321]

Newspaper coverage of the disbanding of the regiment:

The Boston ” Evening Transcript ” thus referred to the event of the day : —” The Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment, the pioneer State colored regiment of this country, recruited at a time when great prejudices existed against enlisting any but so- called white men in the army, when a colored soldiery was con sidered in the light of an experiment almost certain to fail, this command — which now returns crowned with laurels, and after two hundred thousand of their brethren, from one end of the traitorous South to the other, have fought themselves into public esteem — had such a reception to-day as befitted an organization the history of which is admitted to form so con spicuous a part of the annals of the country.” [Emilio p. 321]

Emilio took stock of the 54th’s military service:

During a period of field-service covering twenty-six months almost every kind of military duty fell to the lot of the Fifty-fourth. Not only did it, in common with other infantry organizations, encounter the foe on advanced posts, in assault, and battle-line, but its services under fire as engineers and artillerymen were required during the siege operations in which it bore part. Thrice was the regiment selected for desperate duty, — to lead the charge on Wagner, to advance the siege-works against the same stronghold when defeat confronted the troops, and to hold back the victorious enemy at Olustee until a new battle-line could be formed. Twice did it land upon hostile territory preceding all other regiments of the invading force, receiving the fire of the enemy or driving his light troops. The important task of guarding several hundred Confederate officers was also especially given to it. [Emilio p. 323]

The regiment’s losses:

With an aggregate enrolment of 1,354 officers and men, the regi ment suffered a loss of 5 officers and 95 men known to have been killed or who died of their wounds. There were 106 men reported missing, 19 of whom are known to have died in prison, and 30 who lived to be released, leaving 57 missing in action. The casualty list is completed by the further loss of 20 officers and 274 men wounded, making a total loss of 500, which is 36.9 per cent of the enrol ment. The death of 93 men out of an enrolment of 1,286, from disease and accident alone, gives a percentage of 7.2 against 15.9, which is said to be the rate for the total of colored troops enrolled. This evidences superior material or care on the part of the Fifty-fourth. [Emilio p. 324]

Emilio concludes with a reflection on the impact the 54th had on changing attitudes towards African Americans:

It has been shown how the regiment by its steadfast resolve, with the assistance of its friends, wrung justice and equal rights with white soldiers from the Govern ment in the matter of pay and the muster of colored officers. In connection with other colored organizations, the Fifty- fourth contributed to the establishment of a fact bearing strongly upon the military resources of our country then and now. We have read in the opening chapter that the United States only called the blacks to bear arms when disaster covered the land with discouragement and volunteering had ceased. It is also to be remembered that our enemy, having from the incipienry of the Rebellion employed this class as laborers for warlike purposes, at the last resolved upon enrolling them in their armies. This plan, however, was still-born, and was the final and wildest dream of Davis, Lee. and the crumbling Confederacy. But the courage and fidelity of the blacks, so unmistakably demonstrated during the Civil War, assures to us, in the event of future need, a class to recruit from now more available, intelligent, educated, and self-reliant, and more patriotic, devoted, and self-sacrificing, if such were possible, than thirty years ago. pp. 324-325

That concludes my excerpting of Emilio’s history of the 54th Mass. Here is a link to the full regimental history available free:
https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=KBRCAAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover&pg=GBS.PA328

Emilio offers a regimental Roster starting on page 328:

COMMISSIONED OFFICERS.
Field and Staff.

Shaw, Rorert Gould; Colonel. 10 Oct 37 Boston ; married ; student ; New York. Major 31 Mch 63, must. 11 Apl; Col 17 Apl 63, must. 13 May. Killed 18 Jly 63 Ft. Wagner. Other serrice: — Co. F 7th N. Y. Nat. Guard. 19 Apl 61 ; 2d Lt 2d Mass. 25 May 61 ; 1st Lt 8 Jly 62 ; Capt 10 Aug 62. A. D. C. to Gen. George H. Gordon.

Hallowel, Edward Needles ; Colonel. 8 Nov 36 Philadelphia ; single ; merchant ; Medford. Capt Co. B 6 Mch 63, must. 30 Mch ; Major 17 Apl 63, must. 13 May ; Lt Col. 81 May 63, must 81 Jly ; Col. 18 Jly 63, must. 1 Sep ; Bvt Brig Gen. U. S. Vols. 27 Je 65. Discharged 20 Aug 65 ex. term. Wounded 18 Jly e3 Ft. Wagner. Other service : — Staff duty with Gen. John C. Fremont in Mo. 2nd Lt 20th Mass. 11 Jan 62 ; 1st Lt 20 Nov 62; staff of Gen. N. J. T. Dana.

Commanded Post of Morris Id. S. C, the city of Jacksonville, Fla., Defences of Charleston ; 3rd Brig. 1st Div. 10th Army Corps ; 2nd Brig. Coast Div. Dept. So. and a Brigade in Potter’s Raid. Died 26 Jly 71 West Medford, Mass.

Hallowell, Norwood Penrose ; Lieut, Col. 13 Apl 39 Philadelphia ; single ; student ; Cambridge. Lt. Col. 17 Apl 63, must. 24 Apl. Discharged 30 May 63 for promotion. Other service: — 1st Lt 20th Mass. 10 Jly 61 ; Capt 26 Nov 61. Colonel 65th Mass 30 May 63. Resigned 2 Nov 63 account of wounds received at Antietam. West Medford, Mass.

Hooper, Henry Northet ; Lieut, Col. 16 Dec 34 Boston ; married ; Roxbury. Major 25 Aug 63, must. 12 Sep ; Lt. Col. 18 Jly 63, must. 5 Dec. Dia- charged 11 Jly 65 expiration of personal service. Other service : — 2d Lt 32nd Mass. 26 May 62 ; 1st Lt 14 Aug 62 ; Capt 21 Apl 63. Staff of Gen. Charles Griffin. Apl 64ComdgNo. Dist. Morris Id. S. C. Comdg Defences Lighthouse Inlet. Brooklyn, N. Y.

Pope, George ; Lieut. Col. 9 Jan 44 Boston ; single; clerk; Brookline. Capt Co. I. 11 May 63, must. 13 May ; Maj. 3 Dec 64, must. 14 Dec. Lt. Col. 11 Jly 65, must. 27 Jly. Discharged 20 Aug 65 ex. term. Wounded 18 Jly 63 Ft. Wagner. Other service : — Co. F 44th Mass. 12 Sep 62, Corpl. Staffs of Gen. Tru man Seymour and Cols. Wm Gurney and James Montgomery. Hartford, Conn.

Appleton, John Whittier Messer ; Major. 1 Apl 32 Boston ; married ; clerk ; Boston. 2d Lt 7 Feb 63, must. 9 Feb; Capt Co. A 14 Apl 63, must. 21 Apr; Major 18 Jly 63, must. 26 Dec. Resigned 21 Nov 64 account of wounds. Wounded 18 Jly 63 Ft. Wagner. Other service : — Nov Dec 63 Actg. Asst. Inspector General 3d Brig. 10th Army Corps. Major 1st Battalion Mass Hy. Arty 18 Mch 65. Re signed 5 Aug 65. Salt Sulphur Springs, W. Va.

Walton, James Morris ; Major. 12 Jly 38 Philadelphia ; single ; lawyer ; Philadelphia. 1st Lt 19 Mch 63, must. 28 Mch ; Capt 7 Oct 63, must. 19 Nov ; Major 11 Jly 65, must. 27 Jly. Discharged 20 Aug 65 ex. term. Other service : — Oct 64 Actg Provost Marshal ; Jan Feb 65 Actg A. D. C. No. Dist. Dept. So. ; Mch Apl 65 Provost Judge Savannah, Ga. ; May 65 Actg Judge Advocate No. Dist. Dept. So. Died 25 May 74 Pittsfield, Mass.

Duren, Charles Maltby ; 1st Lieut, and Adjutant. 21 Jan 42 Bangor, Me ; single ; clerk ; Cambridge. 2d Lt 19 Jly 63, must 7 Jan 64; 1st Lt 11 Mch 64, must. 30 Mch; Adjutant 18 Mch 65. Resigned 17 May 65 for disability.
Other service : — Co. C 24th Mass. 24 Oct 61, Serge Staff of Gen. E N. Hallowell. Died 16 Mch 69 Bangor, Me.

Ritchie, John ; 1st Lieut- and Quartermaster. 4 Aug 36 Boston ; single ; student ; Boston. 2d Lt 19 Feb 63, not must Quartermaster 20 Feb 63, must. 20 Feb. Resigned 20 Je 65. Other service: — Staff duty as Brig. Quartermaster, various times. Boston, Mass.

Vogelsang, Peter ; 1st Lieut- and Quartermaster. 21 Aug 15 New York ; married ; clerk; Brooklyn, N. Y. Co. 11 17 Apl 63, Sergt, Quartermaster Sergt. 2d Lt 28 Apl 65, must. 8 Je ; 1st Lt 20 Je 65, must. 18 Jly ; Quartermaster 18 Jly 65. Dis charged 20 Aug 65 ex. term. Wounded 16 Jly 63 James Id. S. C. Died 4 Apl 87 New York.

Stone, Lincoln Riplev; Major and Surgeon. 5 Aug 32 Bridgeton, Me ; single: physician; Salem. Surgeon 21 Apl 63, must. 16 May. Discharged 10 Dec 63 for pro motion. Other service: — Asst. Sur-g. 2d Mass 24 May 61, Surgeon 7 Nov 62. Sur geon U. S. Vols. 4 Dec 63, Brevet Col. U. S. Vols. 1 Oct 65. Dis charged 15 Oct M. Newton, Mass.

Briggs, Charles Edward; Major and Surgeon. 6 Apl 33 Boston ; single ; physician ; Boston. Surgeon 24 Nov 63, must. 26 Apl 64. Discharged 20 Aug 65 ex. term. Other service : — Asst. Surg. 24 Mass. 13 Aug. 62. St. Louis, Mo.

Bridgham, Charles Burr; 1st Lieut- and Asst. Surg. 1 May 41 Buckfield, Me ; single ; student ; Buckfield, Me. Asst. Surg. 1 May 63, must. 6 May. Resigned 29 Feb 64. Recapped 4 May 64, must. 5 Je. Resigned 16 Jly 64. Other service : — Hospital Steward 2d U. S. Sharpshooters Nov. 61. Sep 63 Actg Chief Medical Officer 1st Div. Dept. So. Cohasset, Mass.

Pease, Giles Moseley ; 1st Lieut- and Asst. Surg. 3 May 39 Boston ; single ; physician ; Boston. Asst Surg. 20 Jly 63, must. 3 Aug. Resigned 28 May 64 for dis ability. Other service: — Actg. Asst. Surg. U. S.

Radzinsky, Louis Daniel; 1st Lieut and Asst. Surg. 12 Apl 35 Geneva, Switzerland ; physician ; Asst. Surg. 8 Aug 64, must. 16 Aug. Discharged 14 Je 65 for pro motion. Other service : — Asst. Surg 36th N. Y. 4 Jly to 11 Dec 61. Actg Asst. Surg U. S. A. 18 Feb to 5 Jly 62 ; 9 Aug 62 to 8 Je 63 ; 21 Nov 63 to 8 Aug 64. Surgeon 104th U. S. C. T. 14 Je 65. Discharged 5 Feb 66

ex. term. Actg. Asst. Surg. 8th U. S. Inf. 1867 to 1869. Actg. Asst. Surg. U. S. A. 17 Oct to 22 Dec 68. Died 1 Jly 92 McKeesport, Pa.

Treadwell, Joshua Braceett; 1st Lieut and Asst. Surg. 17 Oct 40 New Market N. H ; single ; physician ; Boston. Asst. Surg. 14 Je 65, must. 1 Jly. Discharged 20 Aug 65 ex. term. Other service : — Asst. Surg 45th Mass. 28 Oct 62 to 7 Jly 63. Surgeon 5th Mass. Vol. Mil. 28 Jly 64 to 16 Nor 64. Surgeon 62d Mass. 28 Feb 65 to 5 May 65. Died 6 May 85 Boston, Mass.

Harrison, Samuel; Chaplain. 15 Apl 18 Philadelphia ; married ; clergyman ; Pittsfleld. Chaplain 8 Sep 63, must. 12 Nov. Resigned 14 Mch 64 for disability. Pittsfield, Mass.

The Captains:

CAPTAINS. Hartwell, Alfred Stedman ; Captain Co. D. 11 Je 36 W. Dedham; single ; student; Natick. Capt 16 Mch 63, must. 30 Mch. Discharged 30 May 63 for promotion. Other service : — Corpl 3rd Mo. Reserves May 61 ; 1st Lt Co. F 44th Mass. 12 Sep. 62. Lt. Col. 55th Mass 30 May 63 ; Colonel 8 Nov 63 ; Brevet Brig. Gen. U. S. Vols. 30 Nov 64. Discharged 30 Apl 66. Honolulu, Hawaian Islds.

Partridge, David Allen ; Captain Co. C. 3 Apl 33 Milford ; married; bootmaker; Medway. 1st Lt 6 Mch 63, must. 10 Mch ; Capt 14 Apl 63, must. 23 Apl. Re signed 19 Jan 64 for disability. Other service: — 1st Lt 42nd Mass. 13 Sep 62. West Medway, Mass.

Bridge, Watson Wilrerforce; Captain Co. F. 27 Sep 36 Coleraine ; married ; clerk ; Wilbraham. 2d Lt 19 Feb 63, must. 2 Mch ; Capt. Co. F 14 Apl 63, must 23 Apl. Discharged 20 Jly 65 expiration of personal service. Other service : — Co D 37 Mass 30 Aug 62 ; 1st Sergt. Died 6 Sep 84 New Haven, Conn.

Russel, Cabot Jackson ; Captain Co. H. 21 Jly 44 New York; single; student; Boston. 1st Lt 23 Mch 63, must. 30 Mch; Capt 11 May 63. must. 13 May. Killed 18 Jly 63 Ft Wagner. Other service : — Co. F. 44th Mass. 12 Sep 62, Sergt.

Simpkins, William Harris ; Captain Co. K. 6 Aug 39 Boston ; single ; clerk ; W. Roxbury. Capt 11 May 63, must. 13 May. Killed 18 Jly 63 Ft. Wagner. Other service : — Co. F 44th Mass. 12 Sep 62, Corpl, Sergt.

Emilio, Luis Fenollosa ; Captain Co. E. 22 Dec 44 Salem ; single ; student ; Salem. 2d Lt 30 Mch 63, must. 30 Mch ; 1st Lt 14 Apr 63, must. 23 Apl ; Capt 22 May 63, must. 23 May. Discharged 27 Mch 65 expiration of personal service. Other service : — Co. F 23rd Mass. 19 Oct 61, Corpl, Sergt. Actg Judge Advocate 1st Div. 10th Army Corps and So. Dist. Dept. So. Actg Provost Marshal Coast Div. Dept. So. New York, N. Y.

I won’t reproduce the rest of the roster, but I commend the version in Emilio to you. It is filled with interesting information.

Here is Lincoln transmitting to Congress an opinion of the Attorney General on the case of the black chaplain of the 54th Mass.

Here is the beginning of the AG’s opinion:

Additional documentation:

One thing that Emilio discusses in his book is the treatment of black prisoners and the officers who commanded them.

3d. That Jefferson Davis and the Confederate Congress in 1862 and 1863 declared acts of outlawry against all negroes and mulattoes and their officers taken in arms, the former ” to be put to death or otherwise punished at the discretion of the Court ; ” the latter ” to be delivered over to the authorities of the State in which they were captured, to be dealt with according to the present or future laws of such State.” President Lincoln, on July 30, 1863, issued his proclamation declaring that for every United States soldier without regard to color who should be put to death in violation of the laws of war a rebel soldier should be executed, and for every one enslaved a rebel soldier would be placed at hard labor on the public works. Forced by this retali atory measure to refrain from openly carrying out the acts of outlawry passed, the Confederate authorities resolved that there after they would refrain from reporting the colored prisoners in their hands, and would refuse to exchange them. This discrimi nation was not tolerated by the United States, and in consequence the cartel was suspended for blacks and whites.

4th. That the Confederates, having failed to compel the exchange of white prisoners only, maintained their position until Aug. 10, 1864, when they agreed to exchange officer for officer and man for man. The terms of the cartel under which exchanges had at first been made required the delivery of the excess on either side. Our government waived, apparently, all other questions, and in the fall of 1864 exchanges were resumed. But we find no record of the release of our colored soldiers till months after. Emilio p. 395

During fighting on James Island on July 16, 1863 13 members of the 54th were captured.

An account of the action published in the Charleston ” Tri weekly Courier ” of July 18, 1863, says : —

“Fourteen blacks fell into our hands, including a sergeant and corporal. Five claimed to be free, the remainder finally confessing they were run away slaves. One hailed from Michigan, two or three from Massachusetts, one from Missouri, one from Maryland, and several from Kentucky. One rascal, running up with his musket, exclaimed, ‘ Here, mossa, nebber shoot him off — tak urn ! ‘ showing evidently his low country origin, but unfor tunately somebody’s gun went off about the same time, and the fellow was killed. They received no tender treatment during the skirmish, and the marsh in one place was thick with their dead bodies. . . . The prisoners believe they are to be hung, and give for a reason for fighting as well as they did, that they would rather die of bullet than rope. It is a nice question whether they are to be recognized as belligerents or outlaws ; and the indignation of our troops is not concealed at the thought that a white man may, by virtue of these captures, be one day exchanged for a negro. The suggestion I have heard on the subject is that we may be compelled to respect the free blacks as recognized citizens of the North taken in arms, bat that when a runaway slave is recaptured, he should be turned over to his master, and by him to the civil authorities, to be disposed of accord ing to law.” p. 397

After Fort Wagner the Gov. of South Carolina sought to prosecute several captured soldiers of the 54th:

M. L. Bonham, the governor of South Carolina, on Aug. 10, 1863, ordered the provost-marshal’s court for Charleston district to be convened, for the trial of such slaves as had been captured on James and Morris Islands ” in arms against the lawful authority of South Carolina, and free negroes of any of the Southern States connected with such slaves.” Governor Bonham appointed the attorney-general, J. W. Hayne, and A. P. Aldrich to prosecute, and Nelson Mitchell and Edward McCrady, lawyers of eminent ability, to defend the prisoners. p. 405

The Confederate military was worried by the new law and the prosecutions being sought by South Carolina. Emilio writes:

Meanwhile, Jordan, representing General Beauregard, satisfied that should the prisoners be enslaved or executed, retaliation would fall alone upon the military forces of the Confederacy, was active in impressing this view upon others. His statement is that the provost-marshal was an army officer, and that he (Jor dan) sought him out and informed him that, having consulted Nelson Mitchell, the latter held that the captives were not amenable to the State, and also his (Jordan’s) own views regard ing retaliation. p. 406

A prisoner named States recalled the brave South Carolina lawyer who represented the black prisoners:

Nelson Mitchell, who became their counsel, the prisoner States remembers, and says : —

” A lawyer named Mitchell came to the jail and offered to defend us before the court. He did a good deal for us, and talked with Sergeant Jeffries and Corporal Hardy, who went to trial as the two test cases. Mitchell did this without pay, and was very kind to us at all times. He worked hard and won the case, coming to us at midnight and called up to Jeffries, ‘ All of you can now rejoice. You are recognized as United States soldiers.’ Before the trial, gallows had been erected in the jail-yard, and, as we understood, were to be used for hanging all our colored boys.” p. 406

Date: Tuesday, December 1, 1863
Paper: Lowell Daily Citizen and News (Lowell, Massachusetts)
Volume: XIII
Issue: 2326
Page: 2

Racist white newspapermen happily took pot shots at the 54th:

Northern Negroes And Southern
Date: Wednesday, December 23, 1863

Paper: Daily Eastern Argus (Portland, Maine)

Volume: XXXI

Issue: 301

Page: 1

Other newspapers took heart in the good training of the 54th Massachusetts

Date: Saturday, May 23, 1863
Paper: Springfield Republican (Springfield, Massachusetts)
Page: 1

 

 

 

 

 

 

Here is a link to official reports of various commanders after the Battle of Olustee:
http://battleofolustee.org/reports/index.html

There are multi-image pages of the men in the ranks. I cut them up and will present them one by one. Here is musician Miles More:

Pvt Robert Jones:

Cpt. William Simpkins:

Lt. Edward Stevens:

1st Sgt Jeremiah Rolls:

According to Civil War Canon: Sites of Confederate Memory in South Carolina”

Charleston Renaissance histories and guidebooks that describe the combat at Morris Island without acknowledging African American soldiers include Simons, Stories; Leiding, Charleston; Lesesne, Landmarks; C. Irvine Walker, Historic Charleston. Von Kolnitz, Panorama, 29, briefly mentions the 54th Massachusetts.

Brown, Thomas J.. Civil War Canon: Sites of Confederate Memory in South Carolina (Civil War America) (Kindle Locations 6274-6276). The University of North Carolina Press. Kindle Edition.

Here is the interpretive marker in New Bedford:

http://www.waymarking.com/gallery/image.aspx?f=1&guid=da73f2f2-fdf1-46c7-a7ae-bd9be69e72a3&gid=3

Sergeant Major Lewis H. Douglass (1840–1908), the son of Frederick Douglass, was appointed when the regiment was mustered. He received a medical discharge in 1864 and later became a teacher, newspaper publisher, marshal and politician (picture from pinterest).

Sergeant Major John H. Wilson [Thanks to GELongstreet for supplying this photo]