June 1865 Ulysses S. Grant Worried that Confederates Fleeing to Mexico Posed Threat to U.S.

Following the complete defeat of the Confederacy in 1865, thousands of Confederate veterans, politicians, and their family members fled to Latin America. Most of these went to Brazil, the last slave society in the Americas, or to French-occupied Mexico. Ulysses S. Grant, then serving as the commanding general of the United States Army, wrote to President Andrew Johnson about his concern that Confederate settlements in Mexico could become a base for anti-United States activities.

In his letter, Grant calls for action against the regime of the so-called “Emperor Maximilian I of Mexico,” anĀ  Austrian installed violently by the French as the “Emperor.” He says that the creation of a new European colony in the Americas is prohibited by the Monroe Doctrine, and the French only attempted it because the Civil War prevented the U.S. from defending the Mexican republic. The “Emperor” provided aid to the Confederates during the Civil War, demonstrating his hostility to the United States. He is now inviting into Mexico armed veterans of the Confederate armies who will aid his fight against the Mexican Liberals attempting to expel the French Imperialists, and who can be expected to try to continue their own fight against the United States.

Here is Grant’s letter:

WASHINGTON, June 19, 1865.

His Excellency A. JOHNSON,

President of the United States:

The great interest which I feel in securing an honorable and permanent peace whilst we still have in service a force sufficient to insure it and the danger and disgrace which in my judgment threaten us unless positive and early measures are taken to avert it, induces me to lay my views before You in an official form. In the first place, I regard the act of attempting to establish a monarchical government on this continent in Mexico by foreign bayonets as an act of hostility against the Government of the United States. If allowed to go on until such a government is established, I see nothing before us but a long, expensive, and bloody war, one in which the enemies of this country will be joined by tens of thousands of disciplined soldiers, embittered against their Government by the experience of the last four years. As a justification for open resistance to the establishment of Maximilian’s government in Mexico, I would give the following reasons: First, the act of attempting to establish a monarchy on this continent was an act of known hostility to the Government of the United States, was protested against at the time, and would not have been undertaken but for the great war which was raging and which it was supposed by all the great powers of Europe-except, possibly, Russia-would result in the dismemberment of the country and the overthrow of Republican institutions. Second, every act of the empire of Maximilian has been hostile to the Government of the United States. Matamoras and the whole Rio Grande under his control has been an open port to those in rebellion against this Government. It is notorious that every article held by the rebels for export was permitted to cross the Rio Grande and from there go unmolested to all parts of the world. And they in return to receive in pay all articles, arms, munitions of war, …, they desired. Rebels in arms have been allowed to take refuge on Mexican soil, protected by French bayonets. French soldiers have fired on our men from the south side of the river in aid of the rebellion. Officers acting under the authority of the would-be empire have received arms, munitions, and other public property from the rebels after the same has become the property of the United States.

It is now reported-and I think there is no doubt of the truth of the report-that large organized and armed bodies of rebels have gone to Mexico to join the Imperialists. It is further reported-and too late we will find the report confirmed-that a contract or agreement has been entered into with Doctor Gwin, a traitor to his country, to invite into Mexico armed immigrants for the purpose of wrenching from the rightful Government of that country States never controlled by the Imperialists. It will not do to remain quiet and theorize that by showing a strict neutrality all foreign force will be compelled to leave Mexican soil. Rebel immigrants to Mexico will go with arms in their hands. They will not be a burden upon the States, but, on the contrary, will become producers, always ready when emergency arises to take up their arms in defense of the cause they espouse. That their leaders will espouse the cause of the empire purely out of hostility to this Government, I feel there is no doubt. There is a hope that the rank and file may take the opposite side if any influence is allowed to work upon their reason; but if a neutrality is to be observed which allowed armed rebels to go to Mexico and which keeps out all other immigrants, and which also denies to the Liberals of Mexico belligerent rights-the right to buy arms and munitions in foreign markets and to transport them through friendly territory to their homes-I see no change for such influence to be brought to bear. What I would propose would be a solemn protect against the establishment of a monarchical government in Mexico by the aid of foreign bayonets. If the French have a just claim against Mexico I would regard them as having triumphed and would guarantee them suitable award for their grievances. Mexico would not doubt admit their claim if it did not affect their territory or rights as a free people. The United States could take such pledges as would secure her against loss. How all this could be done without bringing on an armed conflict others who have studied such matters could tell better than I. If this course cannot be agreed upon then I would recognize equal belligerent rights to both parties. I would interpose no obstacle to the passage into Mexico of emigrants to that country. I would allow their party to buy arms or anything we have to sell, and interpose no obstacle t their transit. These views have been hastily drawn up and contain but little of what might be said on the subject treated of. If, however, they serve to bring the matter under discussion they will have accomplished all that is desired.

U. S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

Source:

War of the Rebellion: Serial 102 Page 0923 Chapter LX. CORRESPONDENCE, ETC. -UNION.

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Author: Patrick Young

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